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THE EOUNDAM QUESTION 



BETWEEN 



NEW Gf ANADA AND COSTA RIGA. 



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BY 



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Charg-e d' Affaires of New Granada 



near the Ciovominent of the United States, 



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Printed by Nio. Mu-llrr, 48 lieekiaaii-Street, 

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THE COAST OF MOSQUITO 

AND 

THE BOUNDARY QUESTION 

BETWEEN 

The general interest manifested by the press in the 
questions relating- to the Mosquito Coast, and the want 
of information on the subject, displayed by some of those 
who have written on it, when at the same time various 
suggestions have been made, to deprive the States to 
which they belong, of those territories, show the neces- 
sity ofelucidating the affair in a serious and conscientious 
manner, so that public opinion may become enlightened 
and exercise its beneficial influence. It is for this end 
that the following rapid sketch of the facts referring to the 
possession and dominion of the above mentioned Coast 
has been written, and it is hoped that these observations 
may contribute somewhat towards the formation of a just 
and impartial judgement on the matter; and as this 
question is connected with that of the boundaries be- 
tween New Granada and Costa Rica, they will also be- 
come the object of a brief review. 

It has been said that the Govermnent of the United 
States has suggested and supports certain projects 
pointed out by the press, of usurpation on the Mosquito 
Coast ; and as it might be thought that these pages have 
been written in consequence of those asseverations, their 



LA COSTA DE MOSQUITOS 

I 

LA CUESTION DE LIMITES 

ENTRE 

If W1E¥A imAHAlDA IT ^m^A M(BA. 

La jeneralidad con que la prensa se ha ocupado de 
las cuestiones relacionadas con la Costa de Mosquitos, 
i el poco conociniiento que algunos de los que escriben 
manifiestan sobre ellas, en circunstancias de haberse 
hecho diversas sujestiones para arrebatar aquellos ter- 
ritorios a los Estados a que pertenecen, son motivos que 
persuaden la necesidad que hai de dilucidar el asunto 
de una manera seria i concienzuda, para hacer que la 
opinion se ilustre i ejerza asl su benefico influjo. Con tal 
fin, pues, se publica esta rapida ojeada acerca de los he- 
chos referentes a la posesion i dominio de la menciona- 
da Costa, esperando que estos apuntamientos contribui- 
ran alg-un tanto a formar un juicio recto e imparcial en 
la materia. I como esta se halle conexionada con la de 
limites enti'e Nueva Granada i Costa Rica, tambien este 
ultimo asunto sera objeto de una breve resena. 

Hase dicho que el Gobierno de los Estados Unidos 
sujiere i apoya alg-unos proyectos que se han indicado 
por la prensa, sobre usurpacion de la Costa de Mos- 
quitos; i como acaso podria creerse que este escri- 
to tendia a ocuparse de semejante aseveracion, el autor 



author deems it his duty to declare, that he has not been 
induced to take the pen by any such rumors, and that 
his sole object in doing- so, has been to place in theirproper 
lisfht those risfhts of New Granada which are connected 
with the questions before mentioned, and with the preten- 
sions of other Governments. Such absurd proceeding's 
could not be imputed to the Government of the United 
States without the most flagrant injustice, not only 
because she can be reproached by no precedents of the 
sort, but also because it would be impossible to admit 
the idea that this nation would sacrifice her honor, and 
the g-reat mission she has been called to fulfil, merely 
for the pleasure of trampling- upon the rig-hts of other 
States, and of displaying- that strength and power which 
should be nobly employed in the cause of order, of liber- 
ty, of peace and of humanity, for on her repose the hopes 
of all mankind. In fact, the United States can neither 
be a conquering- nor an usurping- nation, because to be so 
would be to sin mortally against both the spirit and 
letter of her institutions, objects of her g-reatest respect 
and sources of her present and future prosperity, it 
would be to give herself a death wound before develo- 
ping- herself or attaining- to maturity, it would be to des- 
troy that immense moral force, with which she has 
commenced to control benifically a great portion of the 
new societies, it would be, in fact, to estrange from her- 
self that sympathy which she has hitherto inspired, es- 
pecially to all the nations of America, which as they are 
still young and flexible and now free from the corruption 
of despotism, try to imitate her institutions and to follow 
her example, as the least imperfect models that have 
been recorded in the history of the world. From the 



— 2 — 

de el estima de su deber declarar, que no son tales di- 
ceres los que le han niovido a tomar la pluma, sino lini- 
camente el interes de poner en claro los derechos dela 
Nueva Granada que se rozan con las cuestiones arriba- 
enunciadas, i con las pretensiones de otros g-obiernos. 
Al de los Estados Unidos no se le pueden imputar tan 
absurdos procedimientos, sin cometer la mas flagrante 
injusticia, ya por que no se le pueden enrostrar prece- 
dentes de esta especie, ya porque no es posible consen- 
tir en la idea de que esta gran nacion sacrificara su ho- 
nor i la sublime mision que esta llamada a desempe- 
iiar, por solo el placer de conculcar los derechos de los 
demas pueblos, i de ostentar una faerza i un poder que 
deben emplearse noblemente en bien del orden, de la li- 
bertad, de la paz, de la humanidad, - de la humanidad en- 
tera, que tiene fincada en ella toda su esperanza. En 
suma, los Estados Unidos no pueden ser conquistadores 
ni usurpadores, por que eso seria pecar mortalmente 
contra el espiritu i letra de los dog-mas fundamentales 
de sus instituciones, objetos de su mayor respeto, i fuen- 
tes de su prosperidad presente i futura, - seria suicidarse 
aun antes de consumar su propio desarrollo i de lleg-ar a su 
madurez,-seria destruir esa inmensa fuerza moral con que 
han empezado a dominar beneficamente g-ran parte de las 
nuevas sociedades,- seria en fin, enajenarse las muchas 
simpatias que han inspirado hasta ahora, particularmente 
^vtodas las naciones americanas, que por ser nuevas i fle- 
xibles, i estar yaexentas de las corruptelas del despotis- 
mo, procuran imitar las instituciones i seguir los ejem- 
plos de los Estados Unidos, como los modelos menos 
imperfectos que rejistra la historia de todos los pue- 
blos del mundo. Desde que los Estados Unidos ab- 



moment in which the United States were to abjure herV 
noble principles and enter into that career of depre- 
dation, conquest and usurpation, with which other na- 
tions have stained themselves, she would lose her autho- 
rity over men's minds , and the respect they render 
her, - she w ould become weak and exposed sooner or later 
to suffer those reprisals consequent upon a political 
system as old and worn out as it is abhorrent and ini- 
quitous. Agg"ressions of this nature eng-ender perpetual 
irritations and are never committed w ith impunity ; but in 
order to remove all fears on this subject, it is but neces- 
sarj^ to remember the unanimous indig-nation expressed by 
the press and the most prominent men of the United 
States when the pretended King of the Mosquitos ap- 
peared on the scene. 

It is strang-e, indeed, that in the nineteenth century, 
in the midst of a civilization so justly lauded, a question so 
subversive of rig-ht and order as that respecting- this ima- 
ginary king-, could have arisen ; but the facts are, that it 
orig-inated a few years since among-st a band of smug-glers, 
adventurers and refug-ees, who finding it impossible to 
carry on any longer their nefarious trade on account of 
the persecution declared against them, and careless of the 
means they adopted in order to extricate themselves 
from their miserable situation, resorted to a number of 
intrigues and suggestions to the British Government, 
amongst others, that of supposing the existence of the 
said king, hoping thereby to appropriate to themselves 
an immense territory which had always been in the pos- 
session and under the dominion of the Spanish Crow^n, 
and afterwards belonged to the States that substituded it 
in right, in virtue of the independence they obtained . This 



— 3 — 

/uraseii sus bellos principios para entrar en la via de las 
depredaciones, conquistas i usiirpaciones con que se 
ban manchado otros pueblos, quedarian desautorizados, 
desprestijiados, faltos de fuerza, i espuestos, mas 6 ms- 
nos tarde, a sufrir las represalias consig-uientes a un 
sistema de politica tan vetusto como aborrecible e ini- 
cuo. Las ag-resiones de estejenero irritan siempre, i 
nunca se verifican impunemente. For ultimo, para aca- 
bar de alejar todo temor de parte de la Union, en esta 
materia, bastaria recordar la indig-nacion con que se pro- 
nunciaron los bombres mas prominentes i la prensa del 
pais, cuando aparecio de improviso en la palestra el pre- 
tendido Rei de Mosquitos. 



Es mui estrano que a la mitad del sig-lo XIX, en 
medio de la civilizacion de que con tanta justicia se hace 
alarde, haya podido surjir una cuestion tan subversiva 
del orden i del derecho, como la^eaquelimajinario Rei; 
pero el hecho es, que ella fue suscitada no ha muchos 
alios, por algunos aventureros contrabandist as i refu- 
jiados, quienes viendose en la imposibilidad de continuar 
en estas industrias, por la persecucion que se les declare, 
i no reparando en los medios que debian adoptar para 
salir de su miserable situacion, apelaron al de bacer una 
muchedumbre de sujestiones a! Gobierno Britanico, 
entre otras la de suponer la existencia de diclio Rei, con 
el fin de alzarse con un inmenso territorio que pertenecio 
siempre al dominio i posesion de la corona de Espaiia, 
i que lueg-o ha pertenecido a los Estados que la susti- 
tuyeron, en virtud de la independencia que alcanzaron ; 
en cuyos precisos terminos ban sido reconocidos, ya por 



— 4 — 

rig-ht has been acknowledg-ed in precise terms, not only 
by the principal nations of Europe and America, but 
also by Spain herself. The above is a candid summary 
of the Mosquito question, and constitutes the whole of 
the serious and historical part of it ; the comic part of the 
affair consists of the appearance and pretensions of His 
most sacred Majesty the August King- of the Mosquitos. 
Fortunately, it is this second part which is most general- 
ly known, and therefore the repetition of the ridiculous 
episodes of which it is composed, is superfluous. We will 
speak, therefore, but of the former part, which will be 
sufficient to establish the facts alluded to, and the rights 
of New Granada. 

Various corsairs or pirates sailed out of Jamaica 
soon after that island fell into the hands of the English, 
employed themselves for some time in various piratical 
enterprises along the coasts of Honduras, Mosquitos, 
Nicaragua, Costa Rica and Tierra Firme, until the Span- 
ish Government Aveary of their depredations and having 
concluded her war with England, found herself able to at- 
tack them with success and to free these coasts from their 
hostilities. Those who survived this persecution, which 
took place at the close of the 17th century joined them- 
selves with other adventurers of different nations and took 
refuge in the Gulf of Honduras with the object of conti- 
nuing their criminal career under the pretext of cutting 
woods, which operation they indeed undertook clandes- 
tinally, extending it to the Coast of Mosquito. At length, 
after a series of claims and dissentions between Spain 
and Great Britain, by the treaty of 1763 the latter ob- 
tained for her subjects the right of cutting logwood, on 
condition of erecting no fortifications, and of destroying/ 



aquella manera. En 1824 se espidieron por el Gobierno 
de Colombia otros actos sobre este particular, entre los 
cuales fig-ura el decreto de 5 de jiilio de aquel aiio, con- 
tra los proyectos de colonizacion de la Costa de Mos- 
quitos poi' varios aventureros estranjeros, cuyo decreto 
sostenido por los cruceros 6 guardacostas, desbarato 
enteramente las empresas que se proyectaban ; i para 
aseg-iirar mas eficazmente su observancia, fue publicado 
en Inoflaterra, en los Estados Unidos i en otros muchos 
palses a donde se comunico, sin que en ning-una parte 
se suscitara la menor duda acerca del perfecto dominio 
que la Repiiblica ejercia en la precitada costa. 

El Almirante ingles Sir Lorenzo Halstead reco- 
mendo a la consideracion del Gobierno Colombiano, un 
memorial de los comerciantes de Jamaica, quienes en 
vista de la orden de 9 de marzo de 1822, estableciendo 
reg-las contra el trafico clandestino que se hacia con las 
costas de la Goajira, Darien i Mosquitos, solicitaban su 
revocatoria por parecerles demasiado g-ravosa. El Go- 
bierno contesto que no creia justo ni necesario suspen- 
der diclia orden, pero que se modificaria alg-un tanto, 
siempre que se solicitase por la via diplomatica compe- 
tente, despues que se liubiese reconocido la independen- 
cia de Colombia por la Gran Bretana, i que de la discu- 
sion resultase la conveniencia de tal modificacion. Con 
esta respuesta termino el asunto, i los siibditos britani- 
cos se sometieron punctualmente a las reg-las i preven- 
ciones de la orden en cuestion ; hasta que en 1824 se 
renovo la solicitud por el Ajente britanico residente en- 
tonces en Bog"ota, el cual, atendidas varias dificultades 
que presentaba aquella orden, pedia que se revocase, 6 
que por lo menos se modificase. Por la respectiva Se- 



— 9 — 

fication. The answer returned throug-h the proper de- 
partment Avas, that the Executive Power could no long-er 
do any thmg- in the matter, as it had heen submitted to 
the consideration of Cong-ress. The British Ag-ent 
then hastened to indicate, by a note of 16 th Novem- 
ber 1825, as a means proper to conciliate the inter- 
ests of both countries that, in order that all diffi' 
culties should he removed and all motives for complaint 
should disappear, the Cong-ress should dispose, that 
all british ships should be empowered to trade with 
those coasts directly and freely, provided they obtained 
a certificate from the Colombian Consul or commercial 
Ag-ent, residing- in the port from which they sailed, testi- 
fying", that no part of their carg-o consisted of articles 
commonly denominated contraband of war. And ag-ain 
on the 18th of April 1826, the British Charg-e d' Af- 
faires in the name of his Government expressed the 
desire, that the session of Congress for that year should 
not rise without placing- upon a permanent, ag-reeable 
and satisfactory footing- the commerce with the Colom- 
bian Coasts of Goajira, Darien and Mosquitos, and in 
consequence of this request the law of 1st May 1826 
was passed, which is still in force, by which the Execu- 
tive was empowered to employ the means most condu- 
cive to the complete civilization of the aborig-inal tribes 
of Mosquitos and other indians, and to arrang-e in a 
convenient manner their commerce with the interior and 
with foreign countries: for this purpose a hundred 
thousand dollars annually were assig-ned, and as a corol- 
lary to this law, was issued- the decree of reg-ulations 
in accordance to the desires of the British Government. 
When Columbia and Great Britain celebrated the 



— 9 — 

cretaria se le contesto, que ya nada podia hacer el Po- 
der Ejecutivo sobre el particular, a causa de haberse 
sometido el punto al conocimiento del Cong-reso. En- 
tonces se contrajo a indicar por nota de 16 de noviem- 
bre de 1825, como niedida propia para conciliar los in- 
tereses de los dos paises, que : para que quedase remo- 
vida toda dificiiltad, i para que desapareciera cualquier 
motivo de queja contra las ordenanzas vijentes, el 
Cong-reso dispusiese que todos los buques britanicos 
pudiesen traficar con aquellas costas, directa i libre- 
mente, con tal de que obtuviesen un certificado del Con- 
sul 6 Ajente comercial Colombian© residente en el puerto 
de su despacho, para hacer constar que ning-una parte 
de su carg-a consistia en articulos jeneralmente denomi- 
nados contrahando de guerra. I lueg-o, en 18 de abril 
de 1826, volvio el Encarg-ado de Neg-ocios britanico a 
espresar en nombre de su Gobierno, el deseo que este 
tenia de que no terminaran las sesiones del Cong-reso 
de aquel aiio sin que el comercio con las costas colom- 
bianas de la Goajira, Darien i Mosquitos quedase bajo 
un pie permanentemente ag"radable i satisfactorio ; i en 
virtud de esta nueva insinuacion se espidio la lei de 1° 
de Mayo de 1826, vijente lioi todavia, por la cual se fa- 
culto al Poder Ejecutivo para tomar todas las medidas 
conducentes a la completa civilizacion de las tribus de 
indijenas de Mosquitos i otras, i para arreg-lar de una 
manera conveniente su comercio con el interior i con los 
estranjeros, a cwyo fin se asig-naron cien mil pesos anua- 
les ; i como corolario de esta lei, se espidio el decreto 
reg-lamentario, de acuerdo con los deseos del Gobierno 
britanico. 

Cuando Colombia i la Gran Bretaiia celebraron el 



— 10 — 

treaty of 1825, by which the Republic of Colombia was 
recog-nized as the substitute of Spain in her territorial 
rig-hts, the observations made by the british neg-otiators, 
as proved by the protocols of the conferences, were not 
certainly intended to raise doubts as to the dominion of 
Colombia over the Coast of Mosquito, which had never 
been questioned, but with the sole object of securing- 
the rig-ht, held by Great Britain, of cutting- woods in the 
district of Belize. With this view those neg-otiators 
proposed an article which they afterwards withdrew, 
because the Colombian neg-otiators made them observe, 
that the treaty oug-ht not to refer to territories which 
did not belong- to Colombia, w hose coast only extended 
as far as the Cape Gracias a Dios. 

The catalog-ue of facts proving- the constant recog- 
nition made by Great Britain of the rig-hts of Colombia, 
and consequently of New Granada, to the sovereig-nity 
of the Coast of Mosquito, would be inexhaustible, and it 
could not be otherwise, since no doubts or controversies 
have ever arisen as to the treaty of 1786, still in force, 
which arrang-ed definitely the disputes that had existed 
on the subject : for the arg-ument that has lately been 
brought forward, that no Government has exercised 
dominion in the Coast of Mosquito, is entirely false. 



Christopher Columbus in his fourth and last voyag*e, 
in 1502, discovered and took formal possession of all 
the Coast of Honduras, Mosquito, Nicaragua, Costa 
Rica and Veraguas, as far as Portobelo, and gave the 
names, which are still retained by the principal places 



— 10 — 

tratado de 1825, por el cual se recoiiocio a la Repiiblica 
como sustituta de la Espaiia en los dereehos territoria- 
les de esta, las observaciones que se hicieron por los 
neg-ociadores britanicos, seg-un consta de los protocolos 
de las conferencias, no fiieron, ciertamente, para poner 
en duda el dominio de Colombia sobre la Costa de Mos- 
quitos, que jamas le fue disputado, sino con el objeto 
de asegurar linicamente el derecho que la Gran Bretana 
tenia al corte de maderas en el distrito de Belize, con 
cuyo fin presentaron dichos neg-ociadores un articulo, 
que lueg-o retiraron por que los negociadores colombia- 
nos les hicieron observar que el tratado no debia versar 
sobre territorios que no correspondian al dominio de 
Colombia, cuyo litoral solo alcanzaba liasta el cabo de 
Gracias a Dios. 

Inag-otable seria el catalog"o de los hechos que de- 
nauestran el constante reconocimiento que hizo la Gran 
Bretaiia, de los dereehos de Colombia, i en su caso, de 
Nueva Granada, al dominio i soberania de la Costa de 
Mosquitos ; i no podia ser de otro modo, pues que nunca 
se suscitaron dudas 6 controversias acerca del tratado aun 
vijente, de 1786, que arreg-16 definitivamente las desave- 
nencias que habian existido a este respecto, i pues que 
es de todo punto inexacto el arg-umento que en estos 
liltimos tiempos ha solido hacerse sobre que en la costa 
i territorios de Mosquitos no ha ejercido dominio 6 so- 
berania ningun Gobierno. 

Cristobal Colon en su 4° i ultimo viaje, en 1502, 
descubrio i tomo formal posesian de toda la Costa de 
Honduras, Mosquitos, Nicarag-ua, Costa Rica i Vera- 
g-uas, hasta Portobelo, i dio el nombre que hoi conser- 
van casi todos los puntos principales de aquel litoral. 



— li- 
on those coasts. It was then also (thoug-h this is a 
digression) that he penetrated as far as Las Bocas del 
Toro hy the Bay, which owes to this event the name of 
the "Admiral's Bay," and entering- towards the west, 
founded the first colony; g'iving- to the country he had 
discovered, the name still retained b}^ the province, of 
Verag-uas. The two provinces of Tag-uzg-alpa andTolo- 
g-alpa, formed from the ancient province of Comayagua, 
whose coasts were afterwards called Mosquito, were 
entirely conquered, and populated, as far as circums- 
tances permitted, as the number of inhabitants contai- 
ned in the 94 villag-es founded there, divided into 25 
parishes, reached 60,000. Hernan Cortes and some of 
his officers were the first who subdued the province of 
Comayag-ua, which was also called Honduras, and af- 
terwards the Spanish dominion was completely secured 
by means of the enormous expenses and efforts made to 
christianize the Indians and reduce them to a social life. 
For this purpose missions were established in Guate- 
mala and in the Viceroyalty of Santa Fe, villag-es were 
founded, parishes were established, and g-arrisons were 
maintained, so that not even the seabord was neg-lected; 
in which there remained but few Indians unsubdued, and 
that, on account of their inhabiting- the most unhealthy 
and inaccessible parts of the coast ; and even these 
savages became reduced to an insig-nificant number upon 
the establishment of several villag-es and stations, such 
as Gualan, San Fernando de Omoa, Trujillo, Gracias a 
Dios (where a Royal Audience was established), San 
Gil de Buenavista &c., as in consequence of these nucli 
of civilization, of the arrival of various detachments of 
missionaries, and of the frequent communication estab- 



— 11 — 

Fue tambien entonces, permitase la digresion, que pe- 
netro en las Bocas del Toro por la bahia, que debe a 
esta circunstancia el llamarse del Ahnirante, e inter- 
nandose hacia el Occidente, fundo la primera colonia, 
dando al pais que descubrio el nombre que hoi lleva to- 
davia, de provinciade Verag-uas.-Las dos provincias de 
Tag-uzg-alpa i Tolog-alpa, que se formaron de la antigua de 
Comayag-ua, cuyas costas se llamaron lueg-o de Mosqui- 
tos, fueron conquistadas enteramente, i pobladas hasta 
donde las circumstancias lo permitieron, llegandose a con- 
tar en ellas cerca de sesenta mil habitantes, coniprendi- 
dos en los 25 curatos en que estaban distribuidos los 94 
pueblos que se fandaron alii. Hernan Cortes i muclios 
de sus tenientes, fueron los primeros que sometieron la 
provincia de Comayag-ua, que tambien se llamo de Hon- 
duras ; i despues fue completamente asegurado el do- 
minio espaiiol por medio de injentes g-astos i esfuerzos 
para reducir a los indios al cristianismo i a la vida so- 
cial, a cuyo efecto se establecieron misiones en Guate- 
mala i en el Vireinato de Santa Fe, se fundaron pueblos, 
se erijieron curatos, se sostuvieron g-uarniciones &c. 
Por manera que, no se desatendio ni ami el litoral, en 
donde fueron raros los indios que dejaron de someterse, 
i eso por que habitaban los puntos mas insalubres e in- 
accesibles: i con todo, estos salvajes quedaron reduci- 
dos a un niimero insig-nificante lueg-o que se fundaron 
en dicha costa varios pueblos, como Gaalan, San Fer- 
nando de Omoa, Trujillo, Gracias a Dios (en donde es- 
tuvo establecida una Real Audiencia), San Jil de Bue- 
navista &;c. Con estos micleos de civilizacion, con el 
envio que tambien se hizo alii de alg-unos destacamen- 
tos i de misioneros, i con las frecuentes comunicaciones 



— 12 — 

lished between Carthag-ena and that part of the coast, 
so many abandoned their savag-e life, that those who 
retained their wandering- habits, according- to the most 
reliable accounts, did not reach the number often thou- 
sand. 

The coast ^of Comayag-ua or of Tag-uzg-alpa and 

Tolog-alpa, or of Mosquito, as it was afterwards called, 
did not extend farther than the river and Lagoon of Las 
Perlas, as it is only lately, and for a particular purpose, 
that the name has been extended as far as Punta Gorda. 
More recently, with views whose qualification it is bet- 
ter to omit, it appeared very convenient to comprehend 
under the same name, the port of the river San Juan, 
and that which is most to be admired is, that, these en- 
croachments having- met with little or no resistance, 
the attempt was made to convert into Mosquito Coast, 
the Atlantic sea board of Nicarag-ua and Costa Rica, 
and even a part of the province of Verag-uas. 

The frequent dissensions in which Spain and Great 
Britain were eng-ag-ed for more than a century, g-ave rise 
to various piratical irruptions of the Eng-lish on the coasts 
of Mosquito, Darien, Panama, Carthagena &c. These 
attacks were nearly always directed by the authorities 
of Jamica, with the principal object, as it would seem by 
the results, of obtaining- afterwards in time of peace, 
some advantag-es for the commerce of that island. And 
it was therefore but under some such circumstances, 
that a species of incoative rule in the Mosquito Coast 
may have been exercised by british ag-ents. But the 
British Government repeatedly desisted from these pre- 
tensions, simply abandoning and g-iving- them up, and 
recognizing- the sovereignity of Spain and her incon- 



— 12 — 

que se entablaron con Cartajena, salieron aquellos indios 
de su salvajez, sin que quedaran sino rarisimas parcia- 
lid^des noHiades, que segun las mas fidedig-nas relacio- 
nes, no alcanzaban a constituir diez mil individuos. 

Las costas de Comayag-ua, 6 sean de Tag-uzgalpa 
i Tolog-alpa, 6 de Mosquitos, como se Uamaron despues, 
no se estendian mas alia del rio i lag-una de las Perlas ; 
no siendo sino en tiempos modernos i con fines particu- 
lares que se las llamo asi hasta Punta Gorda. Mas re- 
cientemente, ya con miras cuya calificacion sera mejor 
omitir aqui, parecio mui comodo comprender bajo la 
misma denominacion, el puerto del rio San Juan : i lo 
mas gracioso de todo, es, que habiendose hallado poca 
6 ning-una resistencia en estos avances, se pretendio con- 
vertir en Costa de Mosquitos todo el litoral Atlantic© 
de Nicarag-ua i Costa Rica, i aun abrazar una parte del 
de la provincia de Verag-uas. 

Las disensiones en que se vieron frecuentemente 
empeiiadas la Espana i la Gran Bretaiia, por mas de un 
sig-lo, dieron lugar a varias irrupciones de corsarios in- 
g-leses en las Costas de Mosquitos, Darien, Panama, 
Cartajena &c.; irrupciones hostiles, casi siempre diri- 
jidas por las autoridades de Jamaica, que llevaban por 
principal objeto, seg-un se infiere de los resultados, reca- 
bar lueg-o en la paz algunas ventajas para el comercio 
de aquella isla. Asi, pues, no fue sino en circunstan- 
cias tales, que por via de hostilidad 6 represalias, se 
pudo ejercer ocasionalmente T,ma especie de derecho in- 
coativo en la Costa de Mosquitos, por los Ajentes brita- 
nicos ; mas, de estos derechos 6 pretensiones desistio 
repetidas veces el Gobierno britanico, abandonandolos 



— 13 — 

trovertible rig-lits over that coast, as may be seen by the 
treaties referred to, and especially by the last of 1786, 
which has never been modified in the least particular, 
but on the contrary implicitly ratified by Great Britain, 
Colombia and New Granada, which two last nations con- 
tinued to exercise their rule and sovereig-nity on said 
sea board, until suddenly sprang- up from nothing-, 
towards the year 1837, that most celebrated question of 
the existence of the soi-disant King- of Mosquito. 



From the foreg-oing- must be deduced the con- 
clusion, that the British Government could not patronize 
the pretensions of the adventurers who took refug-e on 
the Mosquito Coast, without openly violating- existing- 
treaties. And in order to excuse these proceeding-s, it 
is not sufficient to assert, that those people are consid- 
ered as eng-lish subjects, which assertion, we here will 
observe, is false, as nearly all the inhabitants of those 
coasts are mestizoes, indians, zambos or mulattos, born 
there, descended from fathers and g-randfathers who were 
subj^ts of the King- of Spain. Besides, the sovereig-n- 
ty of Spain over those territories having- been always 
recog-nized, as well as that exercised by Colombia and 
New Granada, as her substitute, according- to treaties 
still in force, the British Government oug-ht, not only 
to have rejected the sug-g-estions of those adventurers who 
desired to usurp the above, mentioned territories, because 
she had especially bound herself to do so, but also from 
other motives of dignity, g-ood faith and respect to inter- 
national rig-hts, she ought to have abstained from even 



— 13 — 

6 cediendolos solemnemente, i reconociendo la sobera- 
nia de la Espana i los incontrovertihles derechos de 
esta sobre aquella costa, como se piiede ver en los tra- 
dados mencionados, i con especialidad en el ultimo de 
1786, que no lia sido ni tenido por que ser modificado 
despues, sino antes bien, implicitamente ratificado por 
la Gran Bretaiia, Colombia i Nueva Granada, cuyas 
dos ultimas naciones continuaron ejerciendo su dominio 
i soberania en dicho litoral, hasta que inopinadamente 
surjio de la nada, hacia el aiio de 1839, la celeberrima 
cuestion sobre la existencia de un soi-disant Rei de 
Mosquitos. 

Dediicese de todo lo espuesto, que el Gobierno bri- 
tanico no ha podido patrocinar las pretensiones de los 
aventureros que se lian refug-iado en la Costa de Mos- 
quitos, sin quebrantar abiertamente los tratados exis- 
tentes; no bastando para cohonestar semej ante procedi- 
miento, el que se dig-a que tales jentes pasan por siibdi- 
tos ingieses, cosa que, sea dicho de paso, no es exacta, 
pues casi todos los habitantes de aquella costa son mes- 
tizos, indios i zambos 6 mulatos, nacidos alii de padres 
i abuelos que fueron subditos del Rei de Espaiia. A 
mas de que, reconocida la soberania de Espana, como lo 
estuvo siempre, en aquellos territorios, i la ejercida por 
Colombia i Nueva Granada, como subrog-antes de ella, 
segun tratados tambien vijentes, no solo ha debido el 
Gobierno britanico desechar las sujestiones de los aven- 
tureros que pretendian alzarse con los referidos territo- 
rios, por estar esplicitamente^ comprometido a ello, sino 
que, por la misma razon, i por otras de dig-nidad i buena 
fe, i de respeto al derecho internacional, ha debido abs- 
t6nerse de dar el menor asidero a la idea de consti- 



— 14 — 

harboring" the idea of constituting- herself the ally and 
protector of the pretended Mosquito King. 

It is painful to speak of such a respectable Go- 
vernment in so plain and direct a manner, but it is im- 
possible to find words, that will express the same ideas 
in a milder and more corteous terms. 

It was in order to palliate the circumstances 
already indicated, that it was alleged that, neither the 
Spanish Government nor those which substituted her, 
had ever exercised any sovereignty or dominion what- 
ever, in the Mosquito territory. Such an assertion can 
never be seriously made without offending the truth and 
without denying the multiplied and notorious facts 
that prove the contrary in the most evident manner. We 
have already said, by whom and when those countries 
were discovered, conquered and populated, as may be cir- 
cumstantially seen m various histories and authentic do- 
cuments and particularly in the Memoirs of the Vice-Roys 
of Santa Fe de Bogota and of the Capitania General 
and Gobernaciones of all those provinces which cons- 
titute Central America. And if it is true that the 
Governments of Spain, Colombia and New Granada, were 
able to take but few of the necessary steps, in order to 
foment the population and prosperity of those coasts, 
notwithstanding their constant desire to do so, it is 
also certain, that they were constant in their endeavour 
to attain that end, and that no other Government had the 
right to interfere Avith the motives which prevented their 
using greater efficiency and activity in their own con- 
cerns and interests. Still less would that inactivity 
g-ive any other nation the right of possessing* themselves, 
either more or less openly, of the territories in question. 



— 14 — 

tuirse aliado i protector del imajinario Rei de Mosqui- 
tos. 

Sensible es hablar de un Gobierno tan respetable, 
en frases tan rotundas i categ-oricas ; mas no es posible 
hallar otras qne espresen las mismas ideas de una ma- 
nera mas suave i comedida. 

Para paliar los procedimientos indicados, fue que 
se aleg"6, que ni el Gobierno espaiiol, ni los que lo ban 
snstituido, ban ejercido dominio 6 soberania de ninguna 
especie en el territorio de Mosquitos. Semejante ase- 
veracion jamas podria bacerse seriamente sin faltar a la 
verdad i sin neg-ar los multiplicados hecbos notorios que 
prueban de una manera evidente lo contrario. Ya se 
ha dicbo por quienes i desde cuando fueron descubier- 
tos, conquistados i poblados aquellos paises, lo cual se 
puede ver detalladamente en diferentes liistorias i docu- 
mentos autenticos, i con particularidad en muchas de 
las Memorias de los Vireyes de Santa Ye de Bog-ota i de 
la Capitania Jeneral i Gobernaciones de todas las pro- 
vincias que constituian a Centro America. I si es ver- 
dad que los Gobiernos de Espaiia, Colombia i Nueva 
Granada, no pudieron tomar sino mui pocas de las me- 
didas que eran necesarias para fomentar la poblacion i 
contribuir a la prosperidad de aquellas costas, como lo 
desearon siempre, tambien es cierto que fueron con- 
stantes en su empeiio de hacer lo posible por conse- 
guir aquel fin, i que ningun otro Gobierno tenia el de- 
recho de ing-erirse en los motivos que asistieran a aque- 
llos para no emplear mayor actividad 6 eficacia en sus 
propios neg-ocios e intereses, ni menos tendria el de- 
recho de aduenarse simuladamente de los territorios 
en cuestion. 



— 15 — 

In order that a country should belong- in property 
and dominion to the nation that discovers it, it is but 
necessary, according" to the law of nations received on 
this subject, that such nation should manifest ostensibly 
her desire and intention of cultivating" or populating" the 
discovered country. And the Government of Spain not 
only discovered, explored and conquered the country in 
question, with evident intention of cultivating- and popu- 
lating- it, but also, notwithstanding" a thousand obstacles 
and impediments arising" from the insalubrity of those 
reg"ions, the hostility of the Indians, and the many pomts 
that claimed her attention over the whole continent, 
made^great sacrifices with the object of supplying" the 
first necessities of the country, and laid the foundations 
of her civilization and prosperity, org-anizing- popula- 
tions, establishing" parishes, missions, g"arrissons &c. 
It is certain that, though all these operations suffered 
interruptions and were limited by the amount of means 
possessed, wherewith to attend simultaneously to the 
wants of the vast reg"ions conquered by Spain, yet, no 
other nation has presented better or equal titles than 
she has done, to the rig"ht of securing" and exercising" her 
dominion over such countries. And let it not be said 
because there exist, (as is still the case in those terri- 
tories) some tribes of wild indians, that those hordes can 
be considered as sovereig-n and independent nations, for 
such an absurdity could not be maintained without in- 
troducing- complete anarchy into the law of nations, and 
Avithout destroying" or annuling" all the rights, compacts 
and treaties now in force upon the acquisition of the 
diff"erent regions of America. With respect to these, 
the European powers have reg"ulated in such a manner 



— 15 



Para que un pais pertenezca en dominio i propie- 
dad a la nacion que lo descubre, una vez aceptados 
como estan, los principios consagrados por el derecho 
de jentes sobre este particular, solo necesita que sea 
ostensible su deseo 6 intencion de beneficiarlo 6 poblarlo. 
Mas el Gobierno espaiiol, no solamente descubrio, es- 
ploro i conquisto el pais de que se trata, con la inten- 
cion manifiesta de beneficiarlo i poblarlo, sino que a pe- 
sar de mil remoras i complicaciones provenientes, ya 
de la insalubridad de aquellas rejiones, ya de la hostili- 
dad de los indios, ora de los muchos puntos a que era 
preciso atender en todo el continente, hizo injentes sa- 
crificios con el objeto de ocurrir a las primeras necesi- 
dades del pais, i echo los fundamentos de su civilizacion 
1 prosperidad, org-anizando poblaciones, estableciendo cu- 
ras, misiones, g-uarniciones &c. I en verdad que, aunque 
todo esto tenia que sufrir alg-unas interrupciones i limi- 
tarse a los medios con que era preciso atender simultanea- 
mente a las vastas comarcas cuya conquista emprendio 
la Espaiia; sin embarg-o, ning-una nacion ha presentado 
mejores niig-uales titulos que ella,para aseg-urar i ejercer 
surespectiva soberania en paises como el de que se habla. 
I no se dig-a que por que en tales paises existian, como aun 
existen todavia, alg-unas tribus de indios no reducidos, 
estas parcialidades pueden considerarse como naciones 
soberanas independientes, pues semejante absurdo no 
podria sostenerse sin anarquizar completamente el de- 
recho de jentes, i sin destruir 6 anular todos los de- 
rechos, pactos i tratados vijentes sobre la adquisicion 
de las diferentes rejiones de America, respecto de las 
cuales han re^ularizado de tal modo los poderes euro- 
peos el principio arriba indicado, sobre derecho de do- 



— 16 - 

the above mentioned principle of the rig-ht of dominion 
and sovereignty, that now to deny those principles 
would be equal to annuling the rig-ht these same powers 
possess upon many colonies and reg-ions on this conti- 
nent, since the sovereig-nty they exercise over most of 
these has no other origin or foundation than the 
above cited. If the savag-e tribes, existing- in a newly 
discovered or conquered country, could be recognized 
as sovereign nations without any dependence upon the 
nation that takes possession of the whole territory in 
which they are found, j what then should have been and 
still should be the fate of Canada, of Oregon, of New 
Mexico, of the Guayanas, of Florida and a hundred 
other regions in which such tribes abound, and which 
for a length of time have been, in accordance to the re- 
ceived principles of the right of nations, under the rule 
and dominion of dijfferent European nations, and into 
which (at least into many of them) Christianity and ci- 
vilization have either not penetrated at all, or have now 
but begun to penetrate? Many of these countries have 
been alienated, transferred or ceded several times, 
without even having been formally explored or con- 
quered, and no one has even pretended to call in ques- 
tion the right of sovereignty held by the nations that 
have possessed them, on the pretext, that there existed 
in them considerable hordes of aborigines. Conse- 
quently, under every point of view, the pretext of con- 
sidering the few wandering Indians of Mosquito as a 
sovereign and independent nation, is untenable, what- 
ever may be the object sought for in attempting to 
seduce them from their legitimate dependence. By 
allowing so pernicious an example to pass unnoticed, it 



— 16 — 

minio i soberania, que el querer ahora desconocer dicho 
principio, equivaldria a anular todos los derechos que 
esas potenciias tienen sobre muchas colonias i comarcas 
de este continente, pues la soberania que ejercen en 
casi todas ellas, no tiene otros fundamentos ni otro ori- 
jen que los indicados. Si las parcialidades salvajes 
que existen en un pais descubierto i conquistado, pu- 
diesen reconocerse como naciones soberanas, sin nin- 
g-una dependencia de la que ha tornado posesion de todo 
el territorio en que se Kalian I cual deberia haber sido 
i seria aun la suerte del Canada, del Oreg-on, del Nuevo. 
Mejico, de las Guayanas, de la Florida, i de cien rejio- 
nes mas, en donde pululan aquellas tribus, i que por 
largo tienipo ban estado, de acuerdo con los principios 
reconocidos del derecho de jentes, bajo el dominio i so- 
berania de diferentes naciones europeas, i en donde 
(por lo menos en gran parte de ellas) la civilizacion i 
el cristianismo, 6 no ban penetrado por primera vez, 6 
apenas empiezan aliora a penetrar? Mucbos de esos 
paises ban sido enajenados, traspasados 6 cedidos dife- 
rentes veces, sin siquiera haber sido esplorados ni con- 
quistados formalmente ; i a nadie le ha occurrido dis- 
putar el ejercicio de la soberania en ellos, a las respec- 
tivas naciones que los obtienen, so pretesto de que 
existen alii considerables parcialidades de indios abori- 
jenes. Es por consiguiente inaceptable bajo todos 
aspectos la pretension de considerar a los pocos indios 
nomades 6 estantes de Mosquitos, como nacion sobe- 
rana e independiente, sea cual fuere el fin que se tenga 
al sustraerlos de su lejitima dependencia. Al dejar pa- 
sar tan pernicioso ejemplo, facil seria subvertir comple- 
tamente el orden en todas las naciones de la America, 



— 17 — 

would be easy completely to subvert the order of all the 
nations of America, by enticing the many hordes, tribes 
and parties of Indians, that exist in them to aspire to 
the character of sovereig-n and independent nations, and 
rebel ag-ainst the Governments beneath whose auspices 
they oug-ht to live. 

Reflecting- upon the poAverful and incontestible rea- 
sons upon which the rig-hts of New Granada to the 
peaceful possession of the Mosquito Coast, as far as the 
Cape of Gracias a Dios, are founded, and casting- a retro- 
spective g-lance upon the events which have taken place 
within the last few years, in order to contest these rig-hts 
by means of an automatum chosen among-st indians 
and mestizoes, who wander about, accompanied by a few 
marauding- adventurers, it becomes evident that this plan 
of action has been pursued, not because those rig-hts 
were not understood, but from the conviction, that such 
injuries could be committed with impunity, because the 
nations on which they were inflicted, possessed no fleets 
wherewith to measure their streng-th ag-ainst powerful 
ag-g-ressors. This sad and painful truth oug-ht to open 
the eyes of the Governments of South America, and 
rouse them from the letharg-y, in which they are sunk, 
in order to undertake ardently and effectually the hono- 
rable and brilliant task of possessing- themselves (as is 
not difficult) of all the necessary means of defending- 
their nationality, and making- it respected by all foreig-n 
powers. And to obtain this end, it is but necessary to 
resolve to bring- it to bear with a strong- and determin- 
ed will, as shall be demonstrated in another place. 

New Granada, m her repeated protests ag-ainst the 
violence with which attempts have been made to deprive 



— 17 — 

sonsacando la muchedumbre de hordas, tribus 6 parcia- 
lidades de indios que cnentan en sii seno, para que ha- 
g-an el papel de naciones soberanas e independieiites, i 
se rebelen contra el Gobierno bajo cuyos auspicios de- 
ben viAdr- 

Al reflexionar sobre las poderosas e incontestables 
razones en que se fundan los derechos de la Nueva Gra- 
nada a la pacifica posesion de la Costa de Mosquitos 
hasta el cabo Gracias a Dios, i al dar una mirada re- 
trospectiva sobre los acontecimientos que ban tenido 
lug"ar de pocos anos a esta parte, con el objeto de con- 
trovertir esos derechos por medio de un automata esco- 
jido entre unos pocos indios 6 mestizos que vag-an acom- 
paiiados de algunos merodistas advenedizos, se viene 
en cuenta de que no se obra asi por que se desconozcan 
los derechos, sino por el corivencimiento de que pueden 
irrog-arse impunemente semejantes ag-ravios, por cuanto 
las naciones que los sufren earecen de escuadras para 
medir sus fuerzas en los mares contra poderosos agre- 
sores, Esta triste i abrumadora verdad, debiera abrir 
los ojos de todos los Gobiernos Sur-Americanos i sa- 
carlos de la letargia en que «e hallan sumidos, para en- 
tregarse eon actividad i eficacia a la digna i brillante 
tarea de procurarse, como es mui posible, todos los me- 
dios necesarios para defender su nacionalidad i hacerla 
respetar de todo poder estrangero. Esto es asequible 
con solo querer Uevarlo a cabo con voluntad firme i 
decidida, como podra demostrarse palpablemente en 
otro lugar. 

La Nueva Granada, al protestar repetidas veces 
contra la violencia con que se ha pretendido despojarla 



— 18 — 

her of the Coast of Mosquito, has not certainly been 
animated by the desire of retaining- for herself those terri- 
tories which would be burdensome and perhaps useless 
to her but hy the feeling- that she oug-ht not to allow 
her&elf to be despoiled of her rig-hts, - rig-hts which 
she desires to concede with dig-nity by means of appro- 
priate treaties to the States of Central America, with 
the exception perhaps of Costa Rica, as they would be 
prejudicial to her, according- to the opinion of Mr. Fe- 
lipe Molina, who, if we are to jud^e by a Memoir pub- 
lished by him in the year 1852, - appears rather to de- 
sire that coast to belong- to the pseudo petty King- of 
Mosquito, than to New Granada, and as this Memoir is 
a complete compilation of all the arg-uments made use 
of by Costa Rica within the last few years in favor of 
the frontier to which she pretends, while Mr. Molina 
has streng-thened them with a g-reat number of quota- 
tions, it will not be out of place to dedicate here a few 
parag-raphs to the refutations of her allegations. 



In order to avoid circumlocutions it is necessary 
to beg-in by declaring- a truth well known to all who are 
in the least acquainted with the matters, namely: that 
Central America never made any pretensions to the 
territory of New Granada, and that Costa Rica alone, on 
finding- herself without a port on the Atlantic, aspired to 
the possession of a part, if not of the whole Archipel- 
ag-o of Bocas del Toro, or at least to a port in the 
Bahia del Almirante. This ambition in itself mig-ht be 
deemed praiseworthy, if in order to carry it out, she had 



— 18 — . 

de la Costa de Mosquitos, no ha obrado, ciertamente, 
por el interes de conservar para si aquellos territorios, 
que le serian embarazosos, i que tal vez no le convienen, 
sino por que no debe consentir en que se le arrebaten 
sus dereclioSj-dereclios que desea ceder dignamente i me- 
diante los tratados del caso, a los Estados de Centro 
America, exceptuando tal vez el de Costa Rica, por 
serle perjudicial, seg-un la opinion del Sor. Felipe Mo- 
lina, quien, si se lia de juzg-ar por una Memoria que 
publico el ario de 1852, parece mas contento de que 
aquella costa pertenezca al Reg-ulo de Mosquitos que a 
la Nueva Granada. I como esta Memoria sea una com- 
pleta recopilacion de cuantos arg-umentos ha hecho 
Costa Rica, de pocos aiios a esta parte, en favor de sus 
pretendidas fronteras, al paso que el Sor. Molina, los ha 
reforzado con gran cumulo de citaciones, no sera fuera 
de proposito consag-rar aqui alg-unos parrafos a la refu- 
tacion de sus aleg-atos. 



Desde lueg-o es menester enunciar sin ambajes una 
verdad, aunque bien reconocida ya por todos los que se 
han orientado mas 6 menos en esta cuestion ; a saber : 
que Centro America nunca tuvo pretensiones al terri- 
torio granadino, i que no ha sido sino Costa Rica la que 
al verse sin puertos en el Atiantico, i solo por esto, ha 
manifestado la insolita aspiracion, ya que no a todo el 
archipielag-o de las Bocas del Toro, por lo menos a una 
parte de el, o siquiera a im puerto en la Bahia del Al- 
mirante. Semejante aspiracion en si, podria ser dig-na 



— 19 — 

availed herself of the means usually employed for 
making- such acquisitions by all just nations who respect 
the rights and property of others ; but it becomes very 
censurable when we observe, that in order to satisfy it, 
she descends to chicanery and makes use of futile argu- 
ments or of such as would really prove the contrary ,when 
we see quotations mutilated and facts alleg-ed and 
disfig-ured with that species of dog-matism veiled with 
the appearance of sincerity that some authors think 
so fit to captivate the minds of their readers. In the 
course of the following", these truths will be proved 
without the necessity of particularizing- them. 

The Government of Costa Rica after having- sear- 
ched her archives in vain for any documents, wherewith 
to oppose the rig-hts of New Granada, sent a Minister 
to Spain, with nearly the sole object of searching- the archi- 
ves of Madrid and Seville for somethmg- to exhibit, and 
having" found absolutely nothing-, contented herself by 
making- copies of the permissions g"ranted in the first 
years after the conquest to a certain Gutierrez and 
Artieda Chirinos to discover, populate and pacify the 
province of Carthag"o or Costa Rica, as far as the limits 
of the province of Verag-uas. Numberless are the ob- 
servations that sug-g-est themselves in order to prove the 
insig-nificance of such documents, but it will suflSce 
to indicate a few in order to show how little they merit 
the importance attempted to be conferred upon them. 

Accepting- these documents without any contra- 
diction, they would only prove that at the time of the 
discovery and exploration of America , Artieda and 
Gutierrez obtained a transitory permission, under cer- 



IF- 19 - 

de elojio, si se emplearan para llevarla a efecto los me- 
dics usuales reconocidos para estas adquisiciones por to- 
dasjas naciones jiistas que respetan la propiedad i de- 
rechos de las demas ; pero ella es mui censurable desde 
que se observa que, para satisfacerla, se echa mano de 
la chicana i de una fiitil arg-umentacion, a veces contra- 
producente, - cuando se ve, en fin, que se escatiman 
las citas i que se aseveran i des%uran los hechos con 
aquel dog-matismo revestido de cierta especie de since- 
ridad que tan adecuado parece a alg-unos para subyu- 
g-ar el animo de los lectores. El curso de lo que se va 
a esponer probara por si estas verdades, sin necesidad 
de particularizarlas. 

El Gobierno de Costa Rica, despues de haber bus- 
cado en vano en sus archivos alg-unos documentos que 
contraponer a los derechos de la Nueva Granada, envio, 
casi exprofeso, un Ministro a Espaiia con el objeto de 
rebuscar en los arcliivos de Madrid i de Sevilla alouna 
cosa que exhibir, i no habiendo hallado nada absoluta- 
mente, se contento con hacer copiar los permisos acor- 
dados en los primeros aiios de la conquista, a un tal 
Gutierrez i a un Artieda Chirinos, para que descubrie- 
ran poblaran i pacificaran la provincia de Cartag-o 6 
Costa Rica, hasta los limites de la de Verag-uas. Infi- 
nitas son las observaciones que ocurren para probar 
la insignificancia de tales documentos ; pero bastara iii- 
dicar alg-unas para que se vea desaparecer el valor que 
se les quiere dar. 

Aceptando estos documentos, desnados de toda con- 
tradiccion, ellos solo probarian que al tiempo del des- 
cubrimiento i esploracion de la America, Artieda i Gu- 
tierrez obtvieron un permiso transitorio bajo ciertas 



— 20 — 

tain cojiditions to explore lands on the side of Costa 
Rica, and even as far as the part, not then well known, 
of the province of Veraguas, permission which in those 
times was conceded to thousands of persons, as the ea- 
siest and least costly method of subduing- those coun- 
tries. Can this be made to imply then that by the limits 
afterwards assigned to the province of Cartag-o or Costa 
Rica, Verag-uas was dismembered ? that province selec- 
ted and named by the immortal Columbus and confided 
by him to his brother Bartholomow, in order that the 
latter mig-ht there establish the first Colony on the Con- 
tinent of America? and it is precisely to that part of 
Verag-uas that Costa Rica lays claim, notwithstanding- 
that province having- always preserved her integ-rity and 
her name since it was bestowed upon her by Columbus 
who also ordered a colony to be established there, when 
in 1502, after having- reposed for some days in the archi- 
pelago of the Bocas del Toro, he penetrated by the Bay 
which from that time also was called of Vera^uas or 
the AdmiraVs, and which lies at the northwest of the 
Archipelago. Where then exists the decree by which 
at any time the limits of the province have been alter- 
ed ? And even if (of which we are by no means certain) 
the province was explored by various parties, some 
entering by the side of Costa Rica, some from other 
regions, this proves nothing, because as all these lands 
were reputed as belonging to the same lord and master, 
there was no reason, why he should respect the limits 
of his own possessions, in order to explore them and 
reduce the Indians to obedience. On the contrary, he 
frequently varied those, which were marked according 
to the convenience of the local administration &c. Be- 



— 20 — 

condiciones, para esplorar tierras por el lado de Costa 
Rica, i si se quiere, por la parte aun no bien conocida 
de la provincia de Verag-uas,-permisos que se concedian 
entonces a millares de personas, como que era el medio 
mas facil i menos costoso de hacer la conquista de aque- 
llos paises l Quiere esto deeir, acaso, que en los limites 
que sucesivamente se fueron seiialando a la provincia 
de Cartag"o 6 Costa Rica, se segreg-6 la parte que esco- 
jio i nombro provincia de Verdguas el inmortal Colon, 
i encomendo a su hermano Bartolome para que fundara 
la primera colonia del continente americano 1 Es pre- 
cisamente esa parte la que Costa Rica pretende hoi 
apropiarse, sin embarg-o de que dicha provincia de Ve- 
ragrias ha conservado su nombre i su integridad desde 
que Colon la llamo asi i la mando colonizar, cuando en 
1502, despues de haber reposado por unos dias en el 
archipielag-o de las Bocas del Toro, penetro por la Ba- 
hla que desde entonces se llamo tambien de Verdguas 
6 del Almirante, i que demora al noroeste del archipie- 
lag-o. Donde esta, pues, la disposicion por la cual se 
han variado alg-una vez los terminos de dicha provincia ? 
El que hubiera, si es que los hubo, diferentes esplora- 
dores de ella, ya internandose de la parte de Costa Rica, 
ya viniendo de otras rejiones, nada prueba, por que re- 
putandose todos aquellos paises como de un mismo dueiio 
i seiior, este no tenia por que respetar los limites de sus 
propias posesiones para el efecto de esplorarlas i de re- 
ducir a los indios a su obediencia, antes bien, variaba 
con frecuencia los que se solian marcar, seg-un convenia ' 
a la administracion local &c. Por otra parte, los limi- 
tes de las provincias nunca fueron determinados bajo el 
Gobiemo espaiiol de una manera precisa, por que seme- 



— 21 — 

to the convenience of the local administration &c. Be- 
sides, the limits of the provinces were never decided 
under the Spanish Government in a precise manner, be- 
cause such precision was very difficult and not indispen- 
sable. It is on this account that neither before nor after 
the war of independence the provinces of those Spanish 
American States that have constituted themselves into 
Republics have known the boundary lines that separate 
them from each other, a difficulty that has been en- 
countered by the States themselves, as is the case between 
New Granada and Costa Rica, for these Republics in 
their inland frontier line contain vast, unpeopled terri- 
tories still undivided, forming- that zone that in one of its 
extremities embraces all the coast of Golfo Dulce and 
a tract of many leag-ues more on the Northwest, and in 
the other a nearly equal portion of the Atlantic coast, 
commencing" on the river Culebras or Doraces and con- 
tinuing' towards the Northwest. Besides, it is well 
known, that it was customary with the civil, and in their 
case, with the ecclesiastic authorities, to extend their 
jurisdiction as far as they could exercise it, or which is 
nearly the same, as far as the limits of population of the 
conterminous parish of the respective territory. For 
this reason all the intermediate unpopulated tracts were 
not considered as belong-ing- to any of the territories or 
provinces, but as they became populated, attached them- 
selves g-enerally to the most inmediate or formed a 
separate entity, and the same thing* takes place to day 
and will continue' to take place until all those regions 
become somewhat peopled, or until their perfect explo- 
ration permits correct maps to be drawn of each terri- 
tory. 



— 21 — 

jante precision, sobre ser siempre dificil, no era indis- | 

pensable : i es por eso que ni antes ni despues de la 

g-uerra de independencia, han conocido las provincias 

de los Estados Hispano-Americanos, que se han consti- 

tuido en Republicas, los linderos que las separaban 

Unas de otras ; dificultad con que han tropezado, aun 

los mismos Estados entre si, como es el caso entre 

Nueva Granada i Costa Rica, cuyas Republicas cuen- 

tan en su linea fronteriza del interior, vastos territorios 

despoblados, que estan proindiviso i son los que forman 

la zona que por una de sus estremidades abraza toda la 

Costa del Golfo Dulce i muchas leg-uas mas al Noroeste, 

i por la otra, una parte casi ignal de la Costa del A- 

tlantico, que empieza en el rio Culebras 6 Doraces i si- 

g-ue tambien hacia el Noroeste. Es bien sabido, ademas, 

que de ordinario las autoridades civiles, i en su caso, 

las eclesiasticas, estendian su jurisdiccion hasta donde 

alcanzaban a administrar, 6 lo que viene a ser casi lo 

mismo, hasta donde alcanzaba la poblacion de la parro- 

quia limltrofe de la respectiva comarca ; razon por la 

cual todos aquellos espacios intermedios que se halla- 

ban despoblados, no se consideraban adscritos a nin- 

gnna de las comarcas 6 provincias ; i si se poblaban, 

acrecian por lo comun a la mas inmediata 6 formaban 

una entidad separada, que es lo que sucede hoi i conti- 

nuara sucediendo hasta que todos aquellos territorios se 

encuentren medianamente poblados, 6 hasta que la per- 

fecta esploracion de ellos, permita levantar cartas exac- 

tas de cada comarca. 

Si la permision acordada a Artieda i a Gutierrez, 
i lo que estos hicieran, pudiera ser un buen argnmento 
para establecer los limites en cuestion, por ouanto 



— 22 — 

If the permission granted toArtieda and Gutierrez, 
and what they did could be received as a valid arg-u- 
ment by which to establish the limits in question, be- 
cause those individuals were amongst the first explo- 
rers of those lands, even stronger titles might be alledg- 
ed hy New Granada, on account of the priority of the 
appointment given to Diego de Nicueza as Governor of 
the district reaching from the Golfo de Uraba to the 
Cape of Gracias a Dios, and which was afterwards ex- 
tended as far as Cabo de la Vela, taking the name of 
Tierra Firme instead of that of Castilla de Oro, until the 
Captain Generalship and Audience of Guatemala were 
established, at which time the whole Coast of Mosquito 
was placed under the rule of the Intendente of Coma- 
yagua. 

There is no occasion therefore to recur to such 
remote times in order to desinter those permissions, 
which were issued by hundreds and which were reform- 
ed and revoked every day without producing any result, 
as happened with the lands assig-ned to Don Luis Colon 
in the province of Veraguas, which afterwards were ced- 
ed to the city of Nata. These proceedings were very na- 
tural in the midst of the chaos presented by the first years 
after the conquest, in which the only territories known 
by the conquerors were those on which they trode, in 
which the names of localities constantly changed, in 
which one Governor or explorer would say to-day, that 
such a province contained 60 leagues in leng-th and next 
year another Governor would declare it only contained 
20 or 25, as may be seen in all the memoirs and histo- 
ries of that time. If to all these reasons we add that 
which has been already indicated, namely, that the 



— 22 — 

dichos individuos fueron de los primeros esploradores 
de aquellas tierras, aun mejpres derechos podrian fun- 
darse de parte de la Nueva Granada, por la prioridad 
que g-ozo la Gobernacion acordada a Dieg"o de Niciieza 
desde el Golfo de Uraba hasta el Cabo de Gracias a 
Dios, i que despues se estendio hasta el Cabo de la 
Vela, tomando el nombre de Tierra-firme, en lug-ar del 
de Castilla de Oro, hasta que se establecio la Capita- 
nia Jeneral i Audiencia de Guatemala, en cuyo tiempo 
se puso toda la Costa de Mosquitos bajo la dependencia 
del Intendente de Comayag-ua. 



No hai, por tanto, para que ocurrir a tan remotos 
tiempos con el objeto de desenterrar provisiones de 
aquellas que se repartian por centenares i que se refor- 
maban 6 revocaban todos los dias, sin que hubiesen 
producido ningun resultado, como sucedio con los terre- 
nos asig-nados a Don Luis Colon en la provincia de Ve- 
ragnas, los cuales fueron poco despues cedidos a la ciu- 
dad de Nata, - procedimientos que eran mui naturales 
en medio del caos que presentaron los primeros aiios de 
la conquista, en que no se conocia mas terreno que el 
que se pisaba, en que los nombres de las localidades se 
cambiaban diariamente, en que un Gobernador 6 esplo- 
rador decia hoi que tal provincia tenia 60 leg-uas de 
long-itud, i otro decia al ano sig-uiente 6 a los dos aiios, 
que solo tenia 20 6 25, como se puede ver en todas las 
memorias e historias de aquel tiempo. Si a este cu- 
mulo de razones, se agreg-a lo que ya se ha indicado, 
a saber, que los documentos exhibidos por el Sor. Mo- 



— 23 — 

documents exhibited by Mr. Molina say nothing- that 
would lead to the belief, that any part of the province 
of Verag-uas had been separated from it in order to join 
it to Costa Rica, it will be seen, that such quotations 
oug-ht to have been ommitted as irrelevant and worth- 
less, as it would now be entirely useless for the purpose 
of defining- limits to quote the explorations and colo- 
nizations &c. made in the territories above mentioned 
and in the remainder af the provinces of Guatemala by 
Don Pedro de Alvarado, Cristobal de Olid, Don An- 
tonio de Arbelo, Alfonso de Arce, Gonzalez Davila, 
Francisco de las Casas &c., whose works were conti- 
nued and varied by many others without being- able to 
obtain results , even tolerably correct from them, espe- 
cially with respect to the chorog-raphy of their respective 
commissions. 

In order to discover the truth of that which Costa 
Rica endeavours to controvert, it is necessary first to 
enter on other questions, and then to refer to more 
recent epochs. 

Mr. Molina, speaking of the conquest of a territory 
named Talamanca, whose limits were then, as they still 
are, totally unltnown, refers to various reports of the 
Governors of Costa Rica, in which an account is g-iven 
of the existence of various tribes, naming- among- others 
those who were found in the Bay of Bocas del Toro, and 
in order to prove the inference he draws, that this part 
of Tierra Firme belongs to Costa Rica, he says : "Go- 
vernor Granda, writing to the Captain General of Gua- 
temala from Boruca on the 20th of February 1710, says 
the following:- Inform your Lordship that I have 
written to the President of Panama requesting him to 



— 23 — 

lina no dicen nada que induzca a creer que se hubiese 
seg-reg-ado alg-una parte de la provincia de Verag-uas 
para agreg-arla a la de Costa Rica, se vendra en cuenta 
de que tales citas han debido escusarse como incong-ru- 
entes i de ning-un valor, como serian inconducentes para 
el efecto de senalar limites hoi, las esploraciones, colo- 
nizaciones &c. hechas en los territorios mencionadosi en 
los del resto de las provincias de Guatemala, por Don 
Pedro de Alvarado, Cristobal de Olid, Don Antonio de 
Arbelo, Alfonso de Arce, Gonzalez Davila, Francisco 
de las Casas &c., cuyas empresas fueron continuadas i 
variadas por otros muchos, sin que jamas Ueg-ara nin- 
g-uno de ellos a dar resultados medianamente perfectos 
de sus trabajos, i menos en lo relativo a la corografia 
de sus repectivas encomiendas. 

Para hallar la verdad de lo que se trata de contro- 
vertir por parte de Costa Rica, se hace preciso entrar 
primero en otras cuestiones i aproximarse lueg-o a epo- 
cas mas recientes. 

Hablando el Sor. Molina de la conquista de un 
territorio llamado Talamanca, c^yos limites eran total- 
mente desconocidos, como lo son hoi todavia, alude a 
varios informes de los Gobernadores de Costa Rica, en 
que se da cuenta de la existencia de alg-unas tribus, 
nombrando, entre otras, las que se hallaban en la ba- 
hia de las Bocas del Toro ; i para comprobar sus ila- 
ciones sobre que esta parte de Tierra-firme pertenecia 
a Costa Rica, dice : "Escribiendo el Gobernador Granda 
al Capitan Jeneral de Guatemala, con fecha Boruca 28 
de Febrero de 1710, dice entre otras cosas lo sig-uiente : - 
Doi cuenta a V. S. de como escribo al Presidente de 



— 24 — 

dispatch a french vessel towards the North, for the pur- 
pose of taking the mouth of the island of Tojar in order 
that I may be able to reduce them to surrender, and al- 
so those of the Bocas del Toro. If the vessel comes, the 
greatest service that has as yet been done in the Indias, 
will be rendered to God and the King our master, for 
the isle of Tojar contains three thousand zamboes and 
from Bocas del Toro to Matina there are more than 
ten thousand Indians belonging to the conquest of Ta- 
lamanca." And further on he says ; "The missionary 
Fathers of Christ College, Guatemala, sent to the 
King of Spain in 1763 a circumstantial account of the 
state of the mission of Talamanca and others which 
had been placed under their care, entering into the 
history of the former from its origin. In that account 
it is stated, that the conquest of Talamanca embraced 
a territory of 120 leagues from East to West, and 
from. 30 to 40 from North to South" Then follow the 
names of the 7 tribes of which the mission was com- 
posed with the observation that three of them belonged 
to Tierra Firme and the remainder to the Audience of 
Guatemala. 

Upon examining this part of the principal argu- 
ments upon which the conclusions of the above mentioned 
Memoir are based, it will be seen : 1st. that the request 
made by Governor Granda to the President of Panama 
to send a vessel to Bocas del Toro in order to aid in 
subduing the zamboes proves, if it proves any thing, 
that the said President held dominion and authority 
over those Islands and that the Governor intended to 
approach them in his persecution of the Indians in 
virtue of a commission he held to that eifect, but does 



— 24 — 

Panama, i le pido envie una nao francesa por la parte 
del Norte, a tomar la boca de la isla de Tojar, para 
que yo los pueda reducir a rendirse, i a los de la Boca 
del |Toro tambien, que si viene se liara el mayor ser- 
vicio a Dios i al Rei nuestro amo, que se habra hecho 
hasta hoi en las Indias, por que son tres mil zambos 
los de la isla Tojar, i desde las Bocas del Toro a Ma- 
tina hai mas de diez mil indios que son de la conquista 
de Talamanca." I mas adelante dice: "Los Padres 
misioneros del colejio de Cristo de Guatemala, envia- 
ron en 1763, al Rei de Espana, una relacion circunstan- 
ciada del estado que tenian las misiones de Talamanca 
i otras que les estaban encargadas, entrando en la histo- 
ria de aquella desde su orig-en. Alii pues, se esplica, 
que la conquista de Talamanca abrazaba un territorio 
de 120 leguas de Oriente a Poitiente, i 30 a 40 de Norte 
a Sur : " lueg-o sig-ue la denominacion de las 7 tribus 
de que se componia, diciendose que tres de ellas perte- 
necian a Tierra-firme i las otras a la Audiencia de Gua- 
temala. 



Si se examina esta parte de los principales alega- 
tos en que se apoyan las conclusiones de la Memoria 
mencionada, se vera: l" Que el hecho de pedir el Go- 
bernador Granda al Presidente de Panama que envie 
una nao a las Bocas del Toro para que ayude a some- 
ter a los zambos, si alg-o prueba es, que dicho Presi- 
dente tenia dominio 6 autoridad sobre aquellas isias, i 
que el Gobernador pensaba aproximarse a ellas en per- 
secucion de los indios, por comision que habria tenido 
al efecto ; mas de ning-una manera se puede colejir, ni re- 



•Jo 



not even remotely lead to the idea, that those Islands 
belonjjfed to Costa Rica. 2d. That the missionaries 
believed that what was termed Talamanca beg-an from 
las Bocas del Toro, judg-ing- probably that the Audience 
of Tierra Firme extended more or less to the northeas- 
tern extremity of these islands. 3d. That all these 
documents are vitiated by the complete ig-norance and 
uncertainty manifested in their contents. One of the 
simplest proofs of this assertion is the inconceivable 
and stupendous carelessness with which it is asserted 
that the province of Talamanca contains 120 leagues 
from east to west and from 30 to 40 from north to south. 
[Wlio that has formed the least idea of what is imder- 
stood by the said province, by Costa Rica herself, and 
of the width of the Isthmus on the side of which we 
speak, but will understand that the reporters were enti- 
rely ignorant of the principal points of the affair entrusted 
to them ? Neither can it be said that they intended to 
include the province of Veraguas in those limits, as they 
could not be adapted to it. Nor was it possible that 
they should be i^iorant of a remarkable and notorious 
fact in the history of America, which is, that the name 
of the province of Veraguas was given by Christopher 
Columbus especially to the Bay and Islands of Bocas 
del Toro and to the continent northwest of them, which 
was the point, where he desembarked and where, as 
already has been said, he ordered his first colony to be 
founded. This name was never changed, there being" 
no occasion for it and also because such a proceeding- 
would have been looked upon as a profanation that 
nothing could excuse. 

Mr. Molina deplores that, "neither in the Code of 



— 25 — ' 

motamente, que dichas islas correspondian a Costa Rica : 
2° Que los misioneros creian que lo que se Uamaba 
Talamanca, empezaba desde las Bocas del Toro, esti- 
niando, probablementej que hasta la estremidad Noro- 
este de estas alcanzaba, poco mas 6 menos, la Audien- 
cia de Tierra-firme ; 3" en fin, que todos estos informes 
estan viciados por una completa i^norancia 6 incerti- 
dumbre de cuanto se emite en ellos, siendo una de las 
mas sencillas pruebas de este aserto, la inconcebible i 
estupenda inexactitud con que se asienta que la provin- 
cia de Talamanca tiene 120 leguas de Oriente a Poni- 
ente, i de 30 a 40 de Norte a Sur. l Quien que teng-a la 
menor nocion de lo que se ha entendido por dicha pro- 
vincia, de lo que es Costa Rica, i de la anchura del 
Istmo por el lado de que se trata, no vendra en cuenta de 
que los infonnantes ig-noraban, nada menos que la parte 
principal del neg-ociado que se les habia encomendado ? 
I no es creible que se pretendiese comprender en aquellas 
dimensiones la provincia de Verag-uas, pues, ni se po- 
dian adaptar a ella, ni era posible que tambien ig"nora- 
rasen los informantes un hecho tan culminante i noto- 
rio de la historia de America, cual es el nombre de pro- 
vincia de Verag-uas, dado por Cristobal Colon, con es- 
peciaiidad a la bahia e islas de las Bocas del Toro i a 
la parte Noroeste de ellas, en el continente, que fue 
donde desembarco i donde, como se ha dicho, mando 
establecer su primera colonia: nombre que jamas se 
vario, ya por que no hubo necesidad, ya porque tal pro- 
cedimiento se habria mirado como una profanacion que 
con nada podria cohonestarse. 

Deplora iel seiior Molina que "ni en las leyes de In- 



— 26 — 

laws for the Iiidias nor elsewhere is a law to be found 
that finally determined the line that should separate the 
jurisdiction belonging" to the Audience of Tierra Firme 
from the jurisdiction belonging to Guatemala." This 
is a fact, for the regulations then existing were limited 
to declaring that the jurisdiction of Tierra Firme should 
reach as far as the province of Veraguas inclusive, and 
that, that of Guatemala should begin in the province of 
Costa Rica, and it was this want of precision (which is 
always observable on the subject of the limits and 
boundaries of all the regions and provinces which be- 
longed to Spain in America) that suggested to the 
Government of Costa Rica the idea of laying claim to 
the Archipelago and Bay of Bocas del Toro; but never- 
theless this want cannot give weight to the pretensions 
of Costa Rica, understanding as it must be understood, 
because it is a self evident fact, that the province of 
Veraguas has always belonged toTierra Firme; and if on 
one side it is true that its extreme limits on the frontier of 
Costa Rica are not clearly defined, because these limits 
are lost and confounded in the midst of regions as yet 
untrod by human foot, on the other side it is certain also 
that the extreme limits of Costa Rica towards New 
Granada are still more undefined and obscure on account 
of its small frontier villages being at an immense dis- 
tance from those yet imdivided deserts in which the 
limits of New^ Granada are lost. 

To complete the first and principal summary of the 
pretended rights of Costa Rica, the following indivi- 
duals are cited as authorities, namely; Herrera, Na- 
varro and Alcedo, and also Don Domingo Juarros, who 
has been always looked upon as the Achilles of argu- 



— 26 — 

ilias, ni en ninguna otra parte se encuentra una lei que 
sefialase terminantemente la linca que debia separar la 
jurisdiccion pertenecientealaAudiencia deTierra-firme, 
de la jurisdiccion perteneciente a la Audiencia de Gua- 
temala;" lo cual es exacto, por que las disposiciones 
de entonces solo se limitaron a decir, que la de Tierra- 
firme alcanzaria hasta la provincia de Veraguas inclu- 
sive, i que la de Guatemala empezaria en la provincia 
de Costa Rica : i fue esta falta de precision (que se ob- 
servara siempre en punto a los limites 6 fronteras de to- 
das las rejiones i provincias que pertenecieron a Espaiia 
en America) lo que sujirio al Gobierno de Costa Rica 
alg"o de que asirse para aleg-ar derechos al arcliipielago 
i bahia de las Bocas del Toro. Mas ya se ve que este 
vacio ho puede prestar asidero a la pretension de Costa 
Rica, aceptando, como es preciso que se acepte, por que 
es evidente, el hecho de que la provincia de Veraguas 
siempre ha pertenecido a Tierra-firme ; i que si de una 
parte es verdad que sus liltimos limites por el lado de 
Costa Rica no estan bien determinados, por que se 
pierden i confunden en medio de territorios no iiollados 
todavia por la planta humana, de otra es cierto tambien, 
que los liltimos limites de Costa Rica, por el lado de 
Nueva Granada, son aun mas indeterminados i obscuros, 
porestar sus pequeiias poblaciones limitrofes a una dis- 
tancia inmensa de los mismos desiertos pro-indiviso 
en que la Nueva Granada se pierde. 

Para completar el primero i principal cuadro de los 
pretendidos derechos de Costa Rica, se cita como auto- 
ridad a an tal Herrera, a un Navarro, a Alcedo, i a Don 
Domingo Juarros, quien siempre ha sido presentado 
como el Aquiles de todas las argumentaciones ; termi" 



27 

mentations, and finally reference is made to the follow- 
ing- maps. 1st. That of Mexico published in Paris in 
1650 by Sanson d' Abbeville. 2d. That of Mexico and 
Florida, published by one d' Yoerville le Sueur in 1703, 
and 3d that of the British Empire in America, published 
in Amsterdam by one Gonvents and Cornelius Mortier. 
The authorities of Navarro, Herrera and Alcedo 
are so worthless on this point, that even in the short 
phrase, in which reference is made to the boundaries of 
Costa Rica, they express themselves with so much in- 
decision and such manifest contradiction, that at the 
first glance it is evident that they ag-ree in placing- the 
boundary line on the side of the Bay of San Geronimo 
or Caribaco, thoug-h distancing- 20 or 25 leag-ues one 
from the other, because the line must be drawn some- 
where and it appeared to them easiest to place it where 
they fancied it oug-ht to be. So that even allowing-, as 
we oug-ht, that the author of the precited Memoir is not 
mistaken in what he says, he could g-ain nothing- by 
this quotation. Besides, the reference to Alcedo seems 
a little doubtful, if Don Antonio de Alcedo is meant, as 
the maps published by him fix the boundary line be- 
tween New Granada and Costa Rica on the Pacific side 
in the centre of Golfo Dulce, ^nd on the Atlantic on the 
river of Culebras or Doraces or Chang-uene. The 
authority of Don Doming-o Juarros, champion of the 
rig-hts of Costa Rica has been and will be rejected by 
New Granada and by all who peruse his work on 
account of the prejudice observable in it, as he was a 
native of Guatemala and published his work during- the 
heat of the war of independence : also because speaking- of 
the limits in question he leans entirely on the assertions 



— 27 — 

naiido por citar tambien los mapas sig-uientes : 1" el de 
Mejico, pnblicado en Paris en 1656 por Sanson d" Abbe- 
ville, - 2° el de Mejico i la Florida, publicado por un tal 
d'Yoerville le Sueur en 1703, - i 3° el del Imperio Bri- 
tanico en America, publicado en Amsterdam por los Ua- 
mados John Gonvents i Cornelius Mortier. 

La autoridad de Navarro, Herrera i Alcedo es tan 
baladi a este respecto, cuanto que en la corta frase en 
que se refieren a los limites de Costa Rica se espresan 
con tanta incertidumbre i con tan manifiesta contradic- 
cion, que a primera vista se conoce que terminaron la 
linea divisoria por el lado de la baliia de san Geronimo 
6 Caribaco, difiriendo en 20 a 25 leguas unos de otros, 
porque debian cerrarla por alg-una parte, i les parecio 
lo mas comodo hacerlo por donde se fig-uraban que po- 
dria ser. De manera que aun dando por sentado, como es 
debido, que el autor de la precitada Memoria no se haya 
equivocado en lo que dice, nada podria adelantar con su 
cita. Ademas, la relativa a Alcedo parece un poco du- 
dosa, si se refiere a Don Antonio de Alcedo, pues los 
mapas que este publico fijan la linea divisoria entre 
Nueva Granada i Costa Rica, por la parte del Pacifico, 
en el seno del Golfo Dulce, i por la del Atlantico, en el 
rio de las Culebras 6 Doraces, 6 sea Chang-uene. La 
autoridad de Don Doming-o Juarros, protag-onista de los 
derecbos de Costa Rica, ha sido i sera, con sobra de 
razon, rechazada por la Nueva Granada i por cuantos 
lean su libro, ya por que se resiente de parcialidad, 
como que el era g-uatemalteco i publico su obra en 
medio de la conflag-racion de la g-uerra de independen- 
cia, ya por que hablando de los limites en cuestion, se 
refiere enteramente a las relaciones de un Ceballos de 



of one Ceballos of Costa Rica, an unknown pcrsonagCy 
also because the numerous errors of which tlie i>-reatest 
part of his work is composed, clearly show that it camiot 
he admitted as an authority of any weig-ht or v alue. 

Now reg-arding- the maps which are quoted, accord- 
ing to the confession of Mr. Molina, their authors differ 
more widely still as to the boundary line, than the ahove 
named historians, which fact excludes them as authori- 
ties, even without taking into consideration the obscu- 
rity of their names. 

JNew Granada has in her favor nearly all the histo- 
rians, travellers, geographers and classic hydrographers 
ancient or modern, and so numerous are they, that it 
would be superfluous to quote them here, as it is enough 
to invite all who have any interest in this question to 
open whatever history or official map or maps of respec- 
table parties they find on the subject, with the assu- 
rance that they will always find the boundaries of jNew 
Granada where she herself has declared them to be. 
Nevertheless, by way of example the following works 
may be quoted : those of Don Juan de la Cruz Cano, 
d'Anville and Robert de Var Goudry, those of Fanden 
and Jeflfery's, those of Don Jose Lopez Arpudia and 
many others equally select who place said limits in the 
centre of Golfo Dulce on the one Ocean and on the 
river Culebras or Doraces on the other, and wMch 
boundaries were constantly recognized by the Spanish 
authorities in the past and present century. In accor- 
dance witli these works is the chart drawn by order of the 
Viceroy of the New Kingdom of Granada Don Jose de 
Espeleta and several others which are to be found in 



— 28 — 

Costa Rica, que no se sabe quien es, ya en fin, porque 
los multiplicados errores de que se compone la mayor 
parte de su diclio libro, manifiestan claramante que no 
se puede aducir como autoridad de ningun peso ni 
consecuencia. 

Ahora, con referencia a los mapas que se citan, 
seg-un confesion del mismo seiior Molina, difieren sus 
autores en la linea de demarcacion, todavia mas que 
los apellidados historiadores, lo cual los escluye como 
autoridades, sin contar con la oscuridad de sus nombres. 

La Nueva Granada cuenta en su favor casi todos 
los historiadores, viajeros, g-eog-rafos e liidrog-rafos cla- 
sicos, tanto antig-uos como modernos, i en tal abundan- 
cia, que estaria por demas citarlos aqui, pues basta in- 
vitar a todos los que teng-an interes en esta cuestion, a 
que abran cuantas historias i mapas oficiales 6 de per- 
sonas respetable« encuentren sobre la materia, seguros 
de que siempre hallaran los terminos de la Nueva Gra- 
nada donde esta los ha enunciado. Pueden citarse sin 
enibargo, por via de muestra, las obras de Don Juan de 
la Cruz Cano, las de D'Anville i Roberto de Van Gou- 
dry, las de Fanden i de Jefferys, las de Don Jose Lopez 
Arpudia i otras muchas ig-ualmente selectas, que seiia- 
lan tales limites en el seno de Golfo Dulce por el un 
Oceano, i el rio de las Culebras 6 Doraces por el otro, i 
cuyas demarcaciones fueron seg-uidas constantemente 
por las autoridades espaiiolas en el sig-lo pasado i en el 
presente. De acuerdo con estos trabajos se halla tam- 
bien la carta mandada levantar por orden del Virei del 
Nuevo Reino de Granada, Don Jose de Espeleta, i otras 
varias que se hallan en los archivos del Vireinato. A 



129 — 

the archives of the Viceroyalty. To these may be added 
those made in 1795 by Thomas Kitehin, hidrographer 
to his Britanic Majesty, the Admiralty Chart by captain 
Owens, Arrowsmith's map, the maps of Lawrise, of 
Laurie and AVhittle, of Roberts, of Wyki, of Collins and 
of Ulloa, the chart made by captain Barnett, the maps 
and other works of Acosta, the maps of Colonel Codaz- 
zi &c. &c. Many other works published and in manu- 
script might l)e quoted, but as has already been observed, 
this would be superfluous, especially when the observa- 
tions that have been made are suflGicient to indicate the 
path to those who desire to investig'ate this affair. 

Perhaps it Avill not be out of place to termmate this 
part of the subject by inserting' a paragraph extracted 
and reasonably accepted by Mr. Molina from the works 
of Don Antonio de Ulloa, as a very respectable autho- 
rity. 

"The city of Panama, he says, is not only the capi- 
tal of its province, but of all the Kingdom of Tierra 
Firme, which consists of the three provinces of Panama , 
Darien and Verag-uas. The first is the head quarters 
of all the Government Offices on account of being- 
situated between the ether two, Darien on the East 
and Veraguas on the West. The Kingdom of Tierra 
Firme commences at the North in the riAcr of Darien, 
and extending itself by Nombre de Dios, Bocas del 
Toro and Bahia del Almirante, terminates in the West 
in the river Dorados (Doraces) in the Northern sea ; and 
in tiieSouthern sea, beginning- at the west, extends from 
Punta Gorda in Costa Rica by the Punta de Moriatos 
and Maria Puercos to the Gulf of Darien, from which 



estas pueden agTeg-arse las trabajadas en 1795 por To- 
mas Kitchin, liidrografo de S. M. B., la carta del Almi- 
rantazgo por el Capitan Owens, los mapas de Arrow- 
smith, de Lawrise, de Laurie i Whittle, de Roberts, de 
Wyld, de Collins, i de Ulloa, la carta levantada por el 
capitan Barnett, los mapas i dcmas obras de Acosta, 
las cartas del Coronel Codazzi &c. Ann podrian ci- 
tarse otros muchos trabajos piiblicados 6 ineditos; mas 
como se ha dicho, esta seria una molestia siiperflua, 
maxime cnando las alusiones que quedan hechas bastan 
para indicai el camino a los que deseen hacer investi- 
jraciones sobre este asunto. 

Acaso no sera fuera de lug-ar terniinar este punto 
con la insercion de un parrafo tomado i aceptado con 
razon por el Sor. Molina, de las obras de Don Antonio 
de Ulloa, como de autoridad mui respetable. 

"La ciudad de Panama, dice, es no solamente ca- 
pital de su provincia, sino tambien de todo el Reino de 
Tierra-firme, que consiste de las tres provincias de Pa- 
nama, Darien, i Veraguas. La primera es el asiento de 
todas las oficinas del Gobierno, por hallarse situada 
entre las otras dos, el Darien quedando al Oriente i 
Vera^ias al Occidente. El Reino de Tierra-firme co- 
mienza per el lado del Norte en el rio de Darien, i esten- 
diendose por el Nombre de Dios, Bocas del Toro i Ba- 
hia del Almirante, termina por el Poniente, en el rio de 
los Dorados (Doraces) en el mar del Norte ; i por el 
mar del Sur, comenzando por el Poniente, se estiende 
desde Punta Gorda en Costa Rica por la Punta de Mo- 
riatos i Maria Puercos, hasta el Golfo de Darien, donde 
continiia hacia el Sur, sigiiiendo la Costa por la Pnnta 



— 30 — 

it stretches southward, following the coast by Punta de 
Piiios and Maria Quemada to the Bay of Buenaventura." 
New Granada has a perfect right to the frontier 
which has been indicated on the Atlantic Coast, not 
only for the reasons referred to, which doubtless are not 
the strongest, but from various other titles, each one of 
which completely destroys the weak allegations of Costa 
Rica as will presently be seen. 

Among-st these titles is to be numbered the Royal 
Ordinance of 30th November 1803 by virtue of which 
the Islands of San Andres and the Mosquito Coast 
from Cabo Gracias a Dips inclusive to the river Chagres, 
were separated from the Captain Generalship of Guate- 
mala/ and reincorporated into the Viceroyalty of the pew 
Kingdom of Granada. 

Mr. Chatfield, British Agent in Guatemala, writes 
to Viscount Palmerston in 1847 striving to depreciate 
the v-alue of that Ordinance, as w^as natural according 
to his views, amongst other things already related by 
Mr. Molina, the following: 

"In my opinion the line of boundary which Her 
Majesty's Government should insist upon as absolutely 
essential to the well being of the Mosquito state, is that 
tract of sea-board situated between the right bank of the 
river Roman, where several english mahogany works 
are established (but which are much annoyed and 
harrassed by the undue interference of the Honduras 
Government), and the left hand of the river St. John, - 
an extent of territory, it is asserted, that the Mosquito 
Indians have, ever since the country was known to Eu- 



— 30 — 

de Pinos i Maria Quemada, hasta la Bahia de Buena- 
ventura. " 

La Nueva Granada tiene derechos perfectos hasta 
la frontera que se ha mdicado por la parte del Atlantico, 
no como quiera por las razones referidas, que sin duda 
no son las mas faertes, sino por otros diversos titulos 
que aniquilan completamente, cada uno de por si, los 
debiles aleg-atos de Costa Rica, como se vera mas ade- 
lante. 

Entre estos titulos cuenta el que le da la Real Ce- 
dula de 30 de noviembre de 1803, por la cual se segre- 
g-aron definitivamente de la Capitania Jeneral de Gua- 
temala las islas de San Andres i la Costa de Mosqui- 
tos, desde el Cabo Gracias a Dios inclusive, hacia el 
rio Chag-res, i se reincorporaron alVireinato del Nuevo 
Reino de Granada. 

Mr. Chatfield, Ajente Britanico en Guatemala, 
escribe al Vizconde Palmerston en 1847, tratando de 
apocar el valor de aquella Cedula, como era natural a 
sus miras, entre otras cosas relacionadas ya por el Sor. 
Molina, lo siguiente: 

"En mi opinion, la linea limitrofe en que el 

Gobierno de S. M. debe insistir, como absolutamente 
esencial al bien estar del Estado de Mosquito, es el 
trecho de Costa situado entre la orilla derecha del rio 
Roman, donde se ban establecido varias obras (works) 
inglesas de caoba (pero que son molestadas e interrum- 
pidas por la indebida intervencion del Gobierno de 
Honduras), i la izquierda del rio San Juan, - cuya esten- 
sion de territorio se asegura ban poseido i usado los in- 
dios Mosquitos, sin que ning-un otro pueblo haya inter- 



— 31 — 

ropeaiis, possessed and used without an\' otlier people 
whatsoever interferinnf witli their native ri«fht of do- 
ing so." 

"Various reports upon the boundaries of the Mos- 
quito shore, the condition of the people and the number 
of the settlements exist, showing* the correctness of these 
limits ; and the historian Juarros, Avhose testimony can- 
not be doubted, in such a matter, describes two pro- 
vinces peopled by uncivilized Indians, as lying- between 
the provinces of Comayag-ua and Nicarag-ua, which, he 
says extend along- the Atlantic Coast from the river 
Ag-uan or Roman to that of St. John." 

"The Government of New Granada, in soliciting- 
Her Majesty's Government to entertain a discussion 
w ith it upon the boundary of Mosquito, evidently aims 
at obtaining- the powerful sanction of Great Britain to 
territorial pretensions of considerable mag-nitude, embra- 
cing- an extent of upw ards of eig-hty leag-ues of sea-board 
from Cape Gracias a Dios to St. John's river, and envol- 
ving- the suppression of the small State of Costa Rica 
along- the entire Atlantic Coast, with a view to place 
under the control of New Granada the navig-ation of the 
river St. John, and consequently of the lakes of Nica- 
rag-ua and the intended ship-canal, so as to render it im- 
possible for any one at any time to undertake the con- 
nexion of the two Oceans by means of the river St. John 
and the Lake of Nicarag-ua, without its previous con- 
currence and cooperation," 

Mr. Chatfield had before stated that the ordinance 
referred to was expedited as a purely military measure, 



— 31 — 

venido en su derecho natural (native) de liacerlo asi, 
desde que el pais fue conocido por Jos europeos." 

"Existen varios datos sobre los limites de la Costa 
de Mosquito, la condicion del pueblo i el niimero de los 
establecimientos, que miiestran la exactitud de estos 
limites; i el historiador Juarros, cuyo testimonio no 
puede revocarse a duda en materia semejante, describe 
dos prorincias pobladas por'indios salvajes, que que- 
dan entre las provincias de Comayag-ua i Nicarag-ua, 
las cuales, dice, se estienden a lo larg-o de la Costa del 
Atlantico, desde el rio Ag-uan 6 Roman hasta el San 
Juan. " 

"El Gobierno de la Nueva Granada al solicitar del 
Gobiemo de S. M. que teng-a con el una discusion sobre 
los limites de Mosquito, evidentemente tiene en mira 
obtener la sancion poderosa de la Gran Bretaiia a pre- 
tensiones territoriales de una magnitud considerable, 
abrazando una estension de mas de oclienta leg-uas de 
Costa desde el Cabo de Gracias a Dios hasta el rio San 
Juan, i envolviendo la supresion del pequeiio Estado de 
Costa Rica a lo larg-o de toda la Costa del Atlantico, 
con el objeto de colocar bajo el dominio de la Nueva 
Granada la naveg-acion del rio San Juan, i por consi- 
g-uiente los lag-os de Nicarag-ua i el proyectado canal, 
de modo que se haga imposible el que lleg-ue jamas a 
emprenderse la comunicacion de los dos oceanos por 
medio del rio San Juan i del lag-o de Nicarag-ua, sin su 
concurrencia i cooperacion previas." 

Antes habia indicado Mr. Chatfield, que la citada 
Cedula se liabia espedido como una medida puramente 



— 32 — 

and Mr. Molina, wishing- to use this assertion in favor 
of Costa Rica, presents it as a decisive and conclusive 
arg-ument. In the same manner he leans upon other 
opinions equally valueless, for they are weakened by in- 
exactness and partiality, and dilate upon the expediency 
of wresting- the Mosquito Coast from New Granada or 
any other part that might be convenient for the ridicu- 
lous plans of the improvised King- or automatum of the 
Mosquitos. 

Mr. Molina not satisfied with the injustice intended 
towards New Granada in thus despoiling- her of her 
rig-hts to that coast as far as Cape Gracias a Dios, insi- 
nuates the idea that Mr. O'Leary, Charg-e d' Affaires of 
the British Government in Bog-ota did not consider that 
New Granada had any rig-ht to the possession of the 
Lake of Chiriqui. If Mr. Molina had inserted all Mr. 
O'Leary's note in Eng-lish, it would be perceived that 
he did not even intend to make such an assertion, and 
that notwithstanding- his venturesome asseveration that 
New Granada had no possessory rig-hts beyond the 
Lake of Chiriqui, he never attempted to deny that the 
lake itself belong-ed to her, incidentally adding- that a 
settlement had been formed there. 

The note is as fellows ; 

"Mr. O'Leary to Viscount Palmerston. 
(Extract.) 

" Bog-ota, June 29, 1847. 
"With reference to your Lordship's despatch of 
the 16"' of February last, and to my despatch of the 10"' 
ultimo, both on the subject of the boundaries of the 



32 — 



militar, i el Sor. Molina, queriendo esplotar en favor de 
Costa Rica semejante indicacion, la presenta como una 
cosa decisiva i concluyente, de la misma manera que 
se apoya en otras igualmente rechazables, por estar vi- 
ciadas de inexactitud i parcialidad, i que versaban sobre 
la conveniencia de arrebatar los territories de la Costa 
de Mosquitos a la Nueva Granada, i lo demas que 
se estimase conducente a los incalificables planes 
en que jug-aba el improvisado Rei 6 automata de Mos- 
quitos. 

I no contento el Sor. Molina con la injuria que se 
irroo-aba a la Nueva Granada, queriendola despojar por 

to 

esos medios de sus derechos a aquella costa hasta el 
cabo Gracias a Dios, pretende insinuar la idea de que 
el Sor. O'Leary, Encargado de Neg-ocios del Gobierno 
Britanico en Bogota, no consideraba a la Nueva Gra- 
nada con derechos posesorios en la Lag-una de Chiri- 
qui. Si el Sor. Molina hubiese insertado toda la nota 
del Sor. O'Leary, en ing-les, se veria que este, ni siquiera 
ha intentado decir tal cosa, i que no obstante su aven- 
turada aseveracion sobre que la Nueva Granada no te- 
nia derechos posesorios desde la Lag-una de Chiriqui, 
no se atrevio a ne^arle que esta Laguna le pertenecia, 
agreg-ando incidentalmente que en ella habia formado 
un establecimiento. 

La nota es como sigue: 

"Mr. O'Leary al Vizconde Palmerston. 

"Bogota, Junio 29 de 1847. 
"Con referenda al despacho de su Senoria de 16 
de febrero ultimo, i a mi nota del 10 ultimo, ambas so- 
bre la cuestion de limites del territorio de Mosquito, 



— 33 — 



1 



Mosquito Territory, I have tlie honour to acquai t 
your Lordship that I have endeavoured to obtain some 
authentic information respecting- the boundaiy claimed 
by the King- of Mosquito. Until lately, when a claim 
was asserted by some civil and military servants of Her 
Majesty, on behalf of the King- of Mosquito, to certain 
portions of the coast to the south of the River San Juan, 
I understand that the river was the southern boundary 
of the King's territory. And as far as a title can be 
acquired by a state of perfect independence, by long 
and uninterrupted possession, and the cultivation of the 
soil, by the absence of any Spanish establishment or 
settlement whatever, and even by the recognition of that 
independent State m former times by Spanish autho- 
rities, the title of the King of Mosquito to the territory 
between Cape Cameron and the River San Juan, cannot 
be fairly disputed. 

"Nevertheless, both Central America and New 
Granada assert a right to that portion of the coast 
lying- between the Chiriqui Lagoon and Cape Gracias a 
Dios. Both these Republics pretend to derive their 
rights from the Kings of Spain. On a former occasion 
I stated facts which in my opinion destroyed or impaired 
those rights ; but assuming that the Spanish sovereig-ns 
had a perfect right of dominion over the contested terri- 
tory, it would appear that the right devolved upon New 
Granada rather than upon Central America, for under 
the colonial rule, the jurisdiction over the territory in 
question, after being transferred with frequency from 
the Viceroyalty of New Granada to the Captain- 
Generalship of Guatemala (now Republic of Central 
America) and vice versa, and at one time from that of 



— 33 — 

teng"o el honor de poner en conocimiento de sii Senoria, 
que he procurado obtener alg-unos informes autenticos 
respecto de los limites reclamados por el rei de Mos- 
quito. Hasta ahora poco, cuando se sostenia por al- 
gfunos servidores civiles i militares de S.M. un derecho 
en favor del rei de Mosquito a ciertas porciones de la 
Costa al Sur del rio San Juan, entiendo que aquel rio 
era el limite meridional del territorio del rei. I mientras 
que se pueda adquirir un titulo fundado en un estado 
de perfecta independencia i en una posesion de mucho 
tiempo no interrumpida, en el cultivo del suelo, en la 
ausencia de establecimiento espaiiol alg-uno, li otra co- 
lonia cualquiera, i aun en el reconocimiento de aquel 
Estado independiente, heclio en tiempos anteriores por 
autoridades espanolas, el titulo del rei de Mosquito al 
territorio que queda entre el cabo Cameron i el rio San 
Juan, no puede disputarsele con justicia. 

"No obstante, tanto Centro America como Nueva 
Granada sostienen tener derecho a aquella porcion de 
la costa que queda entre la lag-una de Chiriqui i el cabo 
de Gracias a Dios. Estas dos repiiblicas pretenden de- 
rivar sus derechos de los reyes de Espaiia. En otra 
ocasion espuse hechos que en mi opinion destruian 6 
debilitaban aquellos derechos ; pero suponiendo que los 
soberanos espanoles hubiesen tenido un perfecto dere- 
cho de dominio sobre el territorio disputado, apareceria 
que aquel derecho debia recaer sobre Nueva Granada 
mas bien que sobre Centro America, porque bajo el re- 
jimen colonial la jurisdiccion sobre el territorio en cues- 
tion, despues de haber sido trarisferida frecuentemente 
del Vireinato de la Nueva Granada a la Capitania Je- 
neral de Guatemala (ahora Repiiblica de Centro Ame- 



— 34 — 

both these colonies to the Captain-Generalship of Cuba, 
was finally restored to New Granada by^ Royal letters 
patent, dated the 20th of November 180SL_ Therefore 
if the rig-ht of the Spanish Sovereig-ns was valid, so also 
is that of New Granada, and consequently the pretension 
of Central America is arbitrary and null, and the insig-ni- 
ficant establishment at the mouth of the River San Juan 
and that at Matina or port of Cartag-o, are usurpations. 
Therefore it is not necessary, and it may be prejudicial 
to the object your Lordship has in view, to enter into 
neg-ociations with Central America, which Republic 
cannot confer rig-hts which do not belong- to her, at least 
as far as regards the sea-board. 

"The question, then, lies between the King- of Mos- 
quito and New Granada. This Republic has no pos- 
sessory rig-hts on the coast between the Chiriqui La- 
goon, in the vicinity of which, at Boca del Toro, she 
formed a settlement, and the River San Juan ; and I am 
inclined to believe, that the Granadian Government would 
gladly accept that river as the northwestern boundary 
of the Republic. And looking at the map, the River 
San Juan would seem to afford to the King of Mos- 
quito a distinct and secure boundary line on that 
frontier. 

"But the extent and importance of the tract of coast 
situated between the River San Juan and the Chiriqui 
Lagoon cannot be overlooked in connection with the 
interest of the King of Mosquito. If the pretensions of 
the King to this portion of the coast could be maintai- 
ned, the Chiriqui Lagoon, which affords safe anchorage, 
would likewise form a secure frontier. 



— 34 — 

rica) i viceversa, i una vez del de estas dos colonias a 
la Capitania Jeneral de Cuba, fue finalmente restituida 
a la Nueva Granada por una real Cedula fechada a 20 
de Noviembre de 1803. Por tanto, si el derecho de los 
soberanos espaiioles era valido, lo es tambien el de la 
Nueva Granada, i por consig-uiente la pretension de 
Centro America es arbitraria i nula, i el insig-nificante 
establecimiento de la embocadura del rio San Juan, i 
el de Matina 6 puerto de Cartag-o, son usurpaciones. 
Asi,no es necesario, i puede ser perjudicial al objeto que 
su Seiioria tiene en mira, entrar en neg-ociaciones con 
Centro America, cuya repiiblica no puede conferir de- 
rechos que no le pertenecen, a lo menos en cuanto res- 
pecta a la costa del mar. 

"La cuestion, pues, pendiente, esta entre el Rei de 
Mosquito i Nueva Granada. Esta Repdblica no tiene 
derechos de posesion sobre la costa que media entre la 
Lag-una de Chiriqui, cerca de la cual, en Boca del Toro, 
formo un establecimiento, - i el rio San Juan; i me in- 
clino a creer que el Gobierno Granadino aceptaria de 
buena g-ana aquel rio como el limite Noroeste de la Re- 
piiblica. I consultando el mapa se vera que el rio San 
Juan parece suministrar al Rei de Mosquito una linea 
limitrofe distinta i seg-ura sobre aquella frontera. 

"Pero la estension e importancia de la porcion de 
costa situada entre el rio San Juan i la Lag-una de Chi- 
riqui, no puede dejarse pasar por alto, en conexion con 
los intereses del Rei de Mosquito. Si las pretensiones 
del Rei a esta porcion de la costa pudieran sostenerse, 
la Lag-una de Chiriqui, que ofrece un anclaje seg-uro, 
formaria tambien una frontera segura. 



— 35 — 

"I would therefore respectfully siig-g-est the expe- 
diency of setting" the whole question at rest, by means 
of a neg"otiation with New Granada. 

„After effecting- an arrang-ement with New Granada, 
it will not perhaps be difficult to obtain, should it be 
deemed expedient, the concurrent consent of those pro- 
vinces of Central America which are conterminous to 
the Mosquito Territory. 

"As I stated to your Lordship in my dispatch of the 
10th ultimo, I have no means of ascertaining- the limits 
claimed by the King of Mosquito or the Republics of 
New Granada and Central America in the interior of 
the disputed country. I have confined my observations 
to the coast, and therefore only point out on the map 
herewith inclosed (executed by Mr. Vice-Consul Mark), 
by yellow lines, the tract to which New Granada and 
Central America lay claim, remarking- at the same 
time that it is very recently, that Costa Rica, a province 
of the latter, has abandoned her pretensions to the 
Chiriqui Lag-oon and the district between it and the 
River Chag-res. The boundary proposed for the King- 
of Mosquito is marked on the map by red lines." 

It appears then, that, notwithstanding- the error or 
doubt under which Mr. O'Leary labored reg-arding- 
the rig-hts of New Granada to the Mosquito Coast, far 
from denying- her those she has to the Lake of Chiri- 
qui, he candidly acknowledg-es them, and allows it to be 
understood that were it not decreed that there must be 
a King- of Mosquito , the rig-hts of New Granada to the 
said coast from the Granadian lake of Chiriqui as far 
as Cape Gracias a Dios, would be indubitable in virtue 
of the Ordinance of 1803. 



— 35 — 

"Yo, pues, sujeriria respetuosamente la conveni- 
encia de zanjar la ciiestion por medio de una neg"ociacion 
con la Nueva Granada. 

"Despues de efectnar un arreglo con la Nueva Gra- 
nada, no sera tal vez dificil obtener, si se cree conve- 
niente, el que concurran a prestar su consentimiento 
aquellas provincias de Centro America limitrofes del 
territorio de Mosquito. 

"Como manifeste a Su Seiioria en mi despacho 
del 10 ultimo, no teng-o medios de determinar los limi- 
tes a que tiene derecho el rei de Mosquito, 6 las Repii- 
blicas de Nueva Granada i Centro America en el inte- 
rior del pais disputado. He limitado mis observaciones 
a la costa, i asi solo seiialo sobre el mapa que incluyo 
(ejecutado por el Sor. Vice-Consul Mark), con lineas 
amarillas, el trecho a que Nueva Granada i Centro 
America aleg-an derecho, observando al mismo tiempo 
que es mui recientemente que Costa Rica, provincia de 
la ultima, ha abandonado su pretension a la Lag-una de 
Chiriqui i el distrito entre esta i el rio Chag-res. El 
limite propuesto para el Rei de Mosquito esta marcado 
en el mapa con lineas encarnadas." 

Como se ve, pues, a pesar del error 6 duda en que 
se encontraba el Sr. O'Leary respecto de los derecho s de 
Nueva Granada a la Costa de Mosquitos, lejos de ne- 
garle a aquella los que tiene a la Lag-una de Chiriqui, 
los reconoce paladinamerite, i deja entrever que a no ser 
por que estaba decretado que habia de haber Rei de 
Mosquitos, los derechos de la Nueva Granada a dicha 
costa, desde la laguna g-ranadina de Chiriqui hasta el 
Cabo Gracias a Dios, serian indisputables en virtud de 
la Cedula de 1803. 



— 36 — 

Consequently, and this opinion being- in conformity 
with that of other authorities accepted by Mr. Molina, 
as will presently be seen, it is evident that if by a fata- 
lity, the rig-hts of New Granada to the coast which 
stretches from Cape Gracias a Dios to the mouth of the 
river St. John were wrested from her, on the pretext 
that they belong- to a certain King-, the remainder of 
the said Coast as far as Rio Culebras, or even to. the 
lake of Chiriqiil, would indisputably belong to New Gra- 
nada, because the above mentioned authorities, (Walker 
and Chatfield) thoug-ht proper to decide that the claim 
of the said King- extended only as far as the St. John, 
and that New Granada and not Costa Rica had the 
rig-ht to the remainder of that coast, as the question 
only arose between her and the Mosquito King-. It is 
true that this declaration, frequently reiterated by the 
British Government was afterwards modified by one of 
its subaltern ag-ents who at the time of presenting- it in- 
serted various phrases which, in a certain deg-ree altered 
its meaning-, and which were allowed to remain to avoid 
g-iving- umbrag-e to the said Agent. But these phrases 
were in themselves insig-nificant, for which reason the 
British Government took no further notice of them nor 
could it, even if it wished, for never could it support 
the idea that the Bocas del Toro or any other portion 
of the ancient province of Verag-uas had ever belonged 
to what has been called the Mosquito Coast, whose few 
wandering- tribes were absolutely unknown to the inha- 
bitants of that province, and besides, the boundaries of 
the said coast are as w ell known as those of Great 
Britain. 



— 36 — 

Por consig-uiente, i estando esta opinion de acuerdo 
con la de otras autoridades aceptadas por el Sor. Mo- 
lina, como se puede demostrar, es claro que, si por 
una fatalidad se le arrebatan a la Nueva Granada los 
derechos que tiene a la parte de la costa que corre 
desde Gracias a Dios liasta la desembocadura del rio 
San Juan, por cuanto se quiere que pertenezcan a 
cierto Rei; el remanente de dicha costa hasta el rio 
Culebras, 6 sea liasta la Lag-una de Chiriqui, seria 
indisputable mente de la Nueva Granada, puesto que 
las autoridades indicadas (Walker i Chatfield) tuvie- 
ron a bien decidir, que los derechos del tal Rei se 
estendian solamente hasta el San Juan, i que la Nueva 
Granada, i no Costa Rica, era la iinica que podia ale- 
gar derechos al resto del litoral, como que la cuestion 
solo tenia lug-ar entre ella i el Rei Mosquito. Ver- 
dad es que esta declaratoria, hecha repetidas veces por 
el Gobierno Britanico, fue lueg-o modificada por un 
Ajente subalterno suyo, el cual le intercalo, al tiempo 
de comunicarla, unas frases que la desnaturalizaban al- 
g-un tanto, i que luego fueron conservadas como por no 
causar desaire a dicho Ajente ; mas esas frases de suyo 
eran insignificantes, por lo cual el Gobierno Britanico 
no quiso volver a hacer caso de ellas, ni lo haria aun- 
que quisiera, porque jamas lograria insinuar la idea de 
que las Bocas del Toro 6 cualquiera otra parte de la 
antig-ua provincia de Verag-uas, habian pertenecido al- 
guna vez a lo que se ha llamado Costa de Mosquitos, 
cuyas pocas hordas nomades eran absolutamente des- 
conocidas a los habitantes de aquella provincia, i por 
que los limites de dicha costa son tan conocidos como 
los del Reino Unido de la Gran Bretaiia. 



— 37 — 

In order to render clearer what has been summarily 
observed in the above parag-raph, it appears proper to 
insert the official notes which follow : 

Viscount Palmerston to Mr. Chatfield. 

"Foreig-n Office, June, 30th, 1847. 
"Sir, 

"The encroachments committed at various times 
by the authorities of the Central American States of 
Honduras and Nicarag-ua, upon the territories of the 
King" of Mosquito, having- g-iven rise to a question as 
to the extent of the Coast frontier of the King-dom of 
Mosquito, Her Majesty's Government have carefully 
examined the various documents and historical records 
which exist relative to this subject; and they are of 
opinion that the rig-ht of the King of Mosquito should 
be maintained as extending from Cape Honduras down 
to the mouth of the river San Juan. 

"I have therefore to instruct you to inform the 
authorities of the several States of Central America 
bordering on the Kingdom of Mosquito, that this is the 
extent of coast to which her Majesty's Government 
consider the King of Mosquito to be entitled ; and you 
willjinform them that Her Majesty's Government will 
not view with indifference any attempt to encroach upon 
the rights or territory of the King of Mosquito, who is 
under the protection of the British Crown." 

"I am &c. 
(Signed) Palmerston, 

"P. S. A similar instruction has been addressed to 
Her Majesty's Charge d' Affaires at Bogota." 



— 37 - 

Para mejor aclarar lo que se ha indicado somera- 
mente en el parrafo anterior, parece del caso insertar 
las notas que se veran a continuacion : 

El Vizcdnde Palmerston a Mr. Chatfield. 
"Oficina de Relaciones Esteriores Junio 30 de 1847. 
"Senor: 

"Habiendo dado motivo de disputa, en cuanto a la 
estension de la frontera de la Costa del Reino de Mos- 
quito, las usurpaciones cometidas en varias epocas por 
las autoridades de los Estados Centro Americanos de 
Honduras i Nicarag-ua sobre los territorios del Rei de 
Mosquito, el Gobierno de Su Majestad ha examinado 
cuidadosamente los diversos documentos i datos histo- 
ricos que existen relativos a este asunto ; i es de opi- 
nion que el derecho del Rei de Mosquito debiera soste- 
nerse como estendiendose desde el cabo de Honduras 
hasta la embocadura del Rio San Juan. 

"Por tanto tengo que instruir a U., que informe a 
las autoridades de los diferentes Estados de Centro 
America que lindan con el Reino de Mosquito, que est a 
€S la estension de la costa a que el Gobierno de S. M. 
considera tiene derecho el Rei de Mosquito ; i U. les 
informara que el Gobierno de S. M. no mirara con indi- 
ferencia cualquiera tentativa de usurpacion de los dere- 
chos 6 el territorio del Rei de Mosquito que esta bajo 
la proteccion de la corona Britanica. 
"Soi de Ud. &c. 
(Firmado.) Palmerston. 

"P. S. - Una instruccion semejante se ha dirijido al 
Encarg-ado de Negocios de S. M. en Bog-ota." 



— 38 — 

Viscount Palmerston to Mr. Walker. 

"Foreign Office, June 30th, 1847. 
"Sir, 
"I transmit herewith, for your information and 
guidance, copy of a dispatch, which I have addressed 
to Her Majesty's Consul General at Guatemala, directing 
him to state to the Governments bordering on the terri- 
tories of the King of Mosquito, that Her Majesty's 
Government maintain that the coast frontier of those 
territories extends from Cape Honduras down to the 
mouth of the river San Juan. 

"I have addressed a similar instruction to Her 
Majesty's Charge d' Affaires at Bogota. 

"I am &c. 
[Signed] Palmerston^'' 

Mr. Chatfield to Viscount Palmerston. 

"Guatemala, September 11th, 1847. 
"My Lord, 

"I have had the honor of receiving your Lordship's 
despatch of the 30th of June last, instructing me to inform 
the authorities of the states of Central America bordering 
on the Kingdom of Mosquito, that the extent of coast to 
which Her Majesty's Government consider the King of 
Mosquito to be entitled, is that from Cape Honduras 
down to the mouth of the river San Juan. 

In communicating the opinion of Her Majesty's 
Government to the^ States of Honduras and Nicara- 
gua, I have taken the precaution of inserting the 
words "without prejudice to the right of the Mosquito 
King to any territory south of the River San Juan," 
lest it might have been argued hereafter, that the 



— 38 — 

El Vizconde Palmerston a Mr. Walker. 
"Oficina de Relaciones Esteriores, 

"Seiior: Junio 30 de 1847. 

"Trasmito a U. inclusa para su conocimiento i 
g-Tiia, copia de un despacho que lie dirijido al Consul 
Jeneral de S. M. en Guatemala, ordenandole manifieste 
a los Gobiernos que lindan con los territorios del Rei 
de Mosquito, que el Gobierno de S. M. sostiene que la 
costa fronteriza de aquellos territorios se estiende desde 
el cabo de Honduras hasta la embocadura del Rio San 
Juan. 

"He dirijido una instruccion semejante al Encar- 
g-ado de Neg-ocios de S. M. en Bog-ota. 
"Soi de Ud. &a. 
(Firmado.) Palmerston,''^ 

Mr. Chatfield al Vizconde Palmerston. 

(Recibida Nov' . 22.) 
"Guatemala, Setiembre 11 de 1847. 
"Mi Lord, 
"He tenido el honor de recibir el despacho de Su 
Seiioria del 30 de Junio ultimo, instruyendome para que 
informe a las autoridades de los Estados de Centro 
America, limitrofes del Reino de Mosquito, que la es- 
tension de la costa a que el Gobierno de S. M. consi- 
dera tiene titulos el Rei de Mosquito, es desde el cabo 
de Honduras hasta la embocadura del Rio San Juan. 

"Al comunicar a los Estados de Honduras i Nica- 
ragua la opinion del Gobierno de S. M., he tornado la 
precaucion de insertar las palabras "sin perjuicio al de- 
recho del Rei Mosquito a cualquier territorio al Sur 
del Rio San Juan," para que no se arguya luego, que 
la asercion del derecho de Mosquito a la embocadura 



— 39 — 

assertion for Mosquito of a rig-lit to the mouth of the river 
San Juan is an abandonment of any rights he may have * 
to exercise authority on the coast between San Juan and 
Verag-ua. 

"I have acted in this instance, partly on the views 
communicated to me confidentially, in Lord Aberdeen's 
despatch of the 23d of May, 1845, and partly on those 
expressed in my despatch to Your Lordship, of the 15th 
of April last. 

I have, &c. 
[Sig-ned] Fredk. Chatfield.^^ 

Mr. Walker to Senor Rivas. 
"Vixen', St. John's, January 3d, 1848. 
"Sir, 

"Assuming" for the sake of argument, that the 
King's right could be disputed and that the Spanish So- 
vereigns had a right of dominion, from absolute posses- 
sion over the territory in question, it would appear that 
that right devolved upon New Granada rather than upon 
Central America, for under the colonial rule, the juris- 
diction over this territory, after being transferred with 
frequency from the Vice Royalty of New Granada to the 
Captain-Generalship of Guatemala, (now or lately Re- 
public of Central America), and vice versa, and at one 
time from that of both these colonies to the Captain Ge- 
neralship of Cuba, was finally restored to New Grana- 
da by Royal letters patent dated 30th November, 1803. 



"Therefore, if the right of the Spanish sovereigns 
was valid, so also is that of New Granada; and conse- 



— 39 — 

del Rio San Juan implica el abandono de cualesquiera 
derechos que pueda tener para ejercer autoridad sobre 
la costa que queda entre San Juan i Verag-uas. 

"He obrado en esta ocasion, en parte movido por 
las miras que se me comunicaron confidencialmente en 
nota del Lord Aberdeen de 23 de mayo de 1845, i en 
parte, por las espresadas en mi comunicacion a Su 
Seiioria, de 15 de Abril ultimo. 

"Tengo el honor &c. 
(Firmado.) Fredk. Chatfield." 

Mr. Walker al Sor. Rivas. 
" Vixen," San Juan, Enero 3 de 18481 
"Seiior : 

" Suponiendo, por via de arg-umento, que el dere- 
cho del Rei pudiera ser disputado, i que los soberanos 
espaiioles tenian un derecho de dominio, procedente de 
absoluta posesion sobre el territorio en cuestion, apare- 
ceria que aquel derecho recaia sobre la Nueva Granada 
mas bien que sobre Centro America, por que bajo el re- 
jimen colonial la jurisdiccion sobre este territorio, des- 
pues de ser trasferida con frecuencia del Vireinato de la 
Nueva Granada a la Capitania Jeneral de Guatemala, 
(ahora 6 liltimamente Repiiblica de Centro America), 
i vice versa, i una vez de la de estas dos colonias a la 
Capitania Jeneral de Cuba, fue finalmente restituida a 
la Nueva Granada por Cedula real de 30 de noviembre 
de 1803. 

"Por tanto, si el derecho de los soberanos espaiio- 
les era valido, tambien lo es del mismo modo el de 



— 40 — 

quently the pretension of Central America is arbitrary 
and null. 

"I have &c. 
(Sig-ned.) Path, Walker^ 

Returning- now to the subject of the validity of the 
Royal Ordinance of 1803, it is necessary to observe 
that all who have denied it, have purposely made use 
of such worthless arg"uments, that as they can only be 
looked upon as pretexts to support an untenable cause, 
it is natural to attribute them not to ignorance but to 
bad faith. In fact, how is it possible to believe that 
those who have attacked the said Ordinance should be 
ignorant of the motives to which it owes its origin, 
when they sustain that they are aware of all the cir- 
cumstances relating to it? And if they were so aware, 
how can they presume to assert that the measure was 
purely military and temporary, when from the text of 
the act itself it is evident that other motives of utility 
were the principal reasons for issuing it? Besides, it 
is not possible to believe that those who have sustained 
such an absurdity, should be ignorant of the fact, that 
none but the sovereign who sanctions such an act has 
the power to interpret or vary it, and while that is not 
done, the said act is to be understood and acted upon 
according to its literal tenor and no other. 

If the Ordinance was unwise and little to the pur- 
pose, the King should have been petitioned to repeal or 
reform it, and if, when it was issued, it was believed that 
the King of Spain had no power to make the decree, a 
protest should immediately have been entered, for it 
appears that at that time the King of Mosquito had al- 
ready been manufactured. 



— 40 — 

Niieva Granada; i por consig-uiente la pretension de 
Centro America es arbitraria i nula. 
"Teng-o el honor &;a. 
(Firmado.) Patk.Walker.^' 

Volviendo ahora a la validez de la Real Cedula de 
1803, se hace preciso decir, que todos los que la han 
combatido, se han apoyado al intento en razones tan er- 
roneas i debiles, que, no pudiendose tomarlas sino como 
pretestos de arg-umentaciones en pro de una causa in- 
sostenible, es natural atribuirlas, no a ig-norancia, que 
no cabe, sino a mala fe. En efecto [ como es posible 
creer que las personas que han atacado dicha Cedula 
ignorasen los motivos que dieron orijen a ella, cuando 
sostienen estar al corriente de todas las circunstancias 
que la acompaiiaron ? I si lo estaban i como se atreven 
a aseverar que ella fue espedida como una medida pu- 
ramente militar i transitoria, siendo asi que la parte 
motiva de tal acto espresa como principales, otras di- 
versas razones de conveniencia ? A mas de esto, tam- 
poco es posible creer que los que han sostenido seme- 
jante absurdo, hayan ig-norado que nadie, sino el mismo 
soberano que sanciona un acto como aquel, tiene la fa- 
cultad de interpretarlo 6 variarlo, i que en tanto que 
asi no lo hag-a, dicho acto se entiende i se ejecuta se- 
g-un su tenor literal, i no de otro modo. 

Si la Cedula era poco acertada, - si era incondu- 
cente &a., ha debido solicitarse del Rei su revocatoria 
6 reforma : i si cuando se espidio se creia que el Rei 
de Espaiia carecia de facultades para ello, debieron ha- 
ber dirijido inmediatamente su raclamo, puesto que di- 
cen que ya por aquel tiempo se habia fabricado el Rei 
de Mosquitos. 



— 41 — 

111 order to form a correct judg^ment on the subject, 
it appears proper to insert the Report that preceeded the 
Ordinance, adressed to the King- by the Committee of 
Fortifications, and which, united to others, throws a per- 
fect lig-ht on its motive. The Report is as follows: 

"Madrid, September 20th, 1803. 
"Sir, 
"The Committee of Fortifications and Defence of the 
Indies has carefully examined the representations made 
by the Governor of the Islands of St. Andrew on the 
5th of December last, and sent to this Committee by 
Royal Order of the 26th of August. The tone of these 
representations bears every mark of truth, candour 
and sincerity, wherefore the Committee considers that 
the Governor Tomas O'Neilli, who with laudable zeal, 
has found means of improving-, without any drain on 
the public treasury, the island, so that its products 
this year have afforded 4000 quintals of cotton, is entit- 
led not only to the rank of Lieutenant-Colonel, which he 
solicits, but also to an increase of pay to 2000 dollars 
a year, in reward of his praiseworthy disinterestedness 
as the colonists declare, and because of the necessity 
of providing- himself from Carthag-ena with even the 
salt and other articles for his use. But it is expedient 
to apprize him that for the present his continuance in 
office is essential ; and that on another occasion the 
year's leave he requests will be g-ranted in order that by 
his stay now he may consolidate and arrange the muni- 
cipal laws of the island, as may be most suitable to its 
circumstances, and aid the endeavours of those loyal 
vassals to cultivate not only cotton, but also the g-rains 
and fruit necessary for their sustenance, contributing- 



— 41 — 

Para qne se juzgue con imparcialidad acerca de 
este punto, parece del caso insertar el Informe que pre- 
cedio a la Cedilla, dirijido al Rei por la Junta de For- 
tificaciones, i que unido a otros se ha Uamado parte 
motiva de ella; el cual es como sig-ue: 

"Madrid 20 de Setiembre de 1803. 
" Seiior : 
" Con atenta reflexion ha examinado la Junta de 
Fortificaciones i Defensa de Indias las representacio- 
nes del Gobernador de las Islas de San Andres i de sus 
vecinos, de 5 de Diciembre ultimo, remitidas al examen 
de esa Junta por Real Orden de 26 de Ag-osto proximo 
pasado. El lenguaje de las expresadas representacio- 
nes tiene todas las seiiales que caracterizan la verdad, 
el candor i la rectitud, por lo que juzp^o la Junta que 
aquel Gobernador Don Tomas O'Neilli, que a esfuerzos 
de su laudable zelo ha sabido fomentar tanto aquella 
isla, que sin dispendio alguno del real erario ascienden 
ya sus cosechas en este aiio a 4000 quintales de alg-o- 
don, es acreedor no solo al g-rado de Teniente Coronel 
que solicita, sino tambien a que se Ic aumente el sueldo 
hasta los 2000 pesos anuales por su recomendable des- 
interes, seg-un manifiestan aquellos colonos, i por la 
necesidad que tiene de proveerse de Cartag-ena hasta 
de la sal i demas gastos que se ve precisado a hacer; 
pero convendra que se le prevenga que por ahora es litil 
su permanencia en aquel destino, i que mas adelante se 
le concedera el aiio que solicita de licencia, para que 
con su permanencia en la actualidad acabe de consoli- 
dar i arreglar las leyes municipales de la Isla, que scan 
mas analogas i adaptables a las circunstancias, i au-. 
mentar el fomento de aquellos leales vasallos exitando- 



— 42 — 

at tlie same time to the conversion to Catholicism, of 
those neig-hbours who are so well inclined to embrace 
it ; immediately appointing- the rector, with an assistant 
curate, as O'Neilli urg-ently requests, but that one of 
the two should be an Irishman, or conversant with the 
Eng-lish lang-uag-e, to be able to communicate with those 
people, with a salary of 30 dollars a month, as is usual 
in similar appointments, subject to the bishop of 
Carthag-ena, of whom the necessary ecclesiastical aid 
may by easily obtained, especially for the construction 
of a temple and its appropriate ornaments. 



"Furtlier it is just that the Royal Finance Commi- 
tee at Guatemala should repay instantly to O'Neilli 375 
dollars, which he, while acting- Commandant of Trujillo 
in the year 1800, paid with pious and efficacious zeal 
for the purposes of redeeming- the sacred vases and 
ornaments which the Mosquito Indians had carried off 
in a surprise upon the river Tinto, and which O'Neilli 
remitted to Guatemala ; it being- very strange that the 
Junta should have been so remiss as to omit reimbursing- 
a sum devoted to such a worthy purpose. 

"It is equally interesting- and of a great importance 
that a master of primary instruction should be sent to 
Carthag-ena or elsewhere, that the natives should more 
easily acquire and understand the Spanish lang-uag-e, 
and that the children baptized or to be baptized there 
have better opportunities of instruction in the dogmas 
of our sacred religion. It being obvious how much the 
diversity of languages may contribute (especially in a 



— 42 — 

los al cultivo, no solo del alg-odon, sino tambien al de 
los granos i semillas utiles para el alimento, contribu- 
yendo ig-ualmente a la conversion al catolicismo, de 
aquellos vecinos que tan dispuestos se hallan a abra- 
zarlo, destinando para esto con la posible brevedad el 
parroco i un Teniente cura que con tanta instancia i 
justicia pide O'Neilli, pero que sea uno de ellos Irlan- 
des 6 intelijente en el idionia ing-les para poderse enten- 
der con aquellos liabitantes, con la dotacion correspon- 
diente de treinta pesos mensuales acostumbrada en 
otros destinos seniejantes, sujetandolos al Obispo de 
Cartag-ena, de quien facilmente pueden recibir los auxi- 
lios eclesiasticos que necesiten, especialraente para la 
construccion del templo i correspondientes ornamentos. 

" Tambien es justo que la Junta de Real Hacienda 
de Guatemala reinteg-re cuanto antes a O'Neilli los 375 
pesos, que hallandose comisionado de Comandante de 
Trujillo en el aiio de 1800 desembolso con piadoso i efi- 
caz zelo para rescatar los vasos sag-rados i ornamentos 
que se llevaron los Indios Mosquitos en la sorpresa de 
Rio Tinto i que remitio O'Neilli a Guatemala, siendo 
bastante estraiio que haya andado tan omisa aquella 
Junta en reinteg-rar esta cantidad invertida en tan dig^no 
objeto. 

"Es ig-ualmente interesante i de bastante conse-' 
cuencia el que se envie a Cartagena u otra parte un 
maestro de primeras letras, para que mas facil i breve- 
mente se aprenda i entienda entre aquellos naturales el 
idioma Espaiiol, i los niiios ^a bautizados, i que se va- 
yan bautizando, teng-an mas proporcion de instruirse en 
los dog-mas de nuestra sag-rada relig-ion. Por que es 
bienpatente lo mucho que pnede influir la diversidad 



— 43 — 

small, undefended island) to create a difference of equality 
among- the vassals of your Majesty in the love, loyalty 
and respect which they oug-ht to observe, which with 
this measure and others already mentioned, it is very 
probable, will more and more take root in their docile, 
obedient and faithful hearts, of which several proofs 
have already been afforded, as may be inferred from 
their having- maintained themselves three whole years 
unassisted, and during- the last war with England, when 
the Commandant-General in Guatemala had kept on a 
commission out of the island the Governor O'Neilli, who 
from being- better informed than any other person, of the 
^ 1 osses and drawbacks which his long- absence and the 
war have occasioned to those colonists, can report 
respecting- the application which they make and the 
time which in reason and justice they should continue 
exempt from import and export duties, provided that 
such do not apply to foreig-ners ; in order that with 
this information, your Majesty may decide on what is 
best, and extend the period of their exemption from du- 
ties to what may appear just. And to avoid the long- 
delay which they would incur in receiving- the reply if 
it went by Guatemala, it would be proper to direct it by 
Carthag-ena, from whence it may be more easily and 
speedily received, owing- to the shorter distance at which 
the island is placed from that port, and whither for this 
reason the colonists send their produce. 

"Althoug-h it may seem that the Committee, in dwell- 
ing- so long- upon the points above mentioned, departs 
from and loses sig-ht of its principal end, the considera- 
tion of what concerns the defence, it does not so reg-ard 
it ; but rather that in a nascent colony the g-ood arrang-e- 



— 43 — 

de idiomas (i mas en una isla pequeiia e indefensa), 
para no considerarse al nivel de los demas vasallos de 
Vuestra Magestad en el amor, lealtad i respeto con que 
deben conservarse ; el cual con esta dilijencia i las de- 
mas prevenciones ya referidas, es mui probable que se 
arraig-ue mas i mas en sus corazones dociles, obedien- 
tes i fieles, de que ya tienen dadas alg-unas pruebas, 
como se puede inferir de haberse sostenido por si solos 
los tres alios que durante la ultima g-uerra con la log-la- 
terra ha tenido el Comandante Jeneral de Guatemala 
comisionado fuera de la isla al Gobernador O'Neilli, 
quien poT estar mejor enterado que otro alg-uno de las 
perdidas i atrazos que su larg-a ausencia i la g-uerra 
hayan ocasionado a aquellos colonos, podra informar 
sobre la solicitud que estos hacen del tiempo que en 
razon i justicia pueden permanecer exentos de derechos 
de importacion i exportacion, siempre que esta no sea 
para los estrang-eros, para que con este conocimiento 
pueda resolver Su Majestad lo que mas convenga, i 
prorog-arles la excepcion de derecbos el tiempo que pa- 
rezca justo. I para evitar el larg-o atrazo que habian 
de esperimentar en recibir la respuesta si fuere por la 
via de Guatemala, sera conveniente que dirija por la de 
Cartag-ena, de donde mas facil i brevemente pueden re- 
cibirla, por la menor distancia a que se halla situada la 
isla, de aquel puerto, a donde por esta razon envian sus 
efectos los colonos. 

" Aunque parece que la Junta, deteniendose tan de 
intento en tratar de los puntos ya espresados, se separa 
i desentiende de su principal instituto en hablar de lo 
correspondiente a la defensa, no lo juzg-a asi, i antes 
bien coiisidera que en una colonia naciente, el buen ar- 



— 44 — 

ment of all its branches contributes much to its defence, 
by the indispensable connexion that must exist among-st 
them all; and because without fosteriuj^ agriculture 
and the arts, it is imposible that the population should 
increase, while the colony, having- laws and reg-ulations 
approved by the Viceroy of Santa Fe, unites its indivi- 
dual inhabitants in pleasant and ag-reable community, 
and affording- sufficient means for subsistance, will at 
a future time supply hands to defend it, and revenues 
wherewith to maintain them aiid to aug-ment the royal 
treasury. 

"The defence, then, and the advancement of the 
Island of St,. Andrew, is of no little importance ; for 
being- situated in 122° of north latitude, distant little 
more than 100 leag-ues from Cartag-ena, and some 40 
from the coast of the King-dom of Guatemala and from 
the mouth of the River San Juan de Nicaragua, it 
offers an excellent port of call and point d'appui to 
protect and attend to the useful establishments on 
the desert Coast of Mosquito, and to encourag-e 
in due time those which the Commitee has proposed 
anew to place in Cape Gracias a Dios and Bay of 
Bluefields in the memorial which it presented to your 
Majesty dated 5* August last; but that this should 
have better and speedier effect, it is necessary that 
those establishments as far as that of Cape Gracias 
a Dios inclusive be made dependent on the Viceroyal- 
ty of Santa Fe, the Viceroy of which should defend 
in every respect as heretofore, the Islands of St. An- 
drew, as much by reason of its greater proximity as 
by the prompt maritime assistance which it mig-ht 
receive; for which the Viceroy will give the necess- 



— 44 — 

reg-lo de todos sus ramos contribuye inuclio a la defensa, 
por el indispensable enlace que todos deben tener entre 
si, i por que sin el fomento de la ag-ricultiira i artes, no 
es posible que se aumente la poblacion, la cual teniendo 
leyes i reg-lanientos aprobados por el Virei de Santa Fe, 
que una sus individuos en gustosa i agradable sociedad, 
i medios suficientes de que poder subsistir, suminis- 
trara mas adelante brazos que la defiendan i rentas 
con que sostenerlos, i aumentar las del real erario. 



^'La defensa, pues, e incremento de la Isla de San 
Andres, es no poco importante, por que hallandose si- 
tuada a los 12 grados i medio de latitud norte, distante 
poco mas de cien leg-uas de Cartag-ena, i unas cuarenta 
de las costas del Reino de Guatemala, i embocadura 
del Rio de San Juan de Nicaragua, ofrece una exce- 
lente escala i punto de apoyo para sostener i atender a 
los utiles establecimientos de la desierta Costa de Mos- 
quitos, i fomentar con el tiempo los que en ell a propuso 
nuevamente la Junta en el Cabo de Gracias a Dios i 
Bahia de Bluefields en la consulta que paso a Su Ma- 
g-estad con fecha de 5 del proximo pasado Ag-osto. Pe- 
ro para que esto tenga mejor i mas pronto efecto, con- 
viene que estos establecimientos hasta el del Cabo de 
Gracias a Dios inclusive, dependan del Vireinato de 
Santa Fe, de cuyo Virei deben depender tambien en to- 
dos sus ramos (como lo estaban antes) las Islas de San 
Andres, tanto por su mayor inmediacion, como por los 
prontos auxilios maritimos que pueden recibir, para lo 
cual tendra el Virei las orUenes dadas al Comandante 
del apostadero de Cartagena, cuyo Gobernador debera 



— 45 — 

ary order to the commander of the station of Carthag-e- 
na, whose Governor oug-ht likewise to receive instructions 
and powers from the Viceroy to succour them as circum- 
stances may require, and that the Governor of St. Andrew 
may ask such assistance and treat directly with him. 
It is hig-hly proper that the Governor of St. Andrew 
should receive, ag-reeably to his solicitation, the 
detachment of thirty men of known honour, with a 
serg-eant and two or three corporals, and the correspond- 
ing- ammunition; also a g-ood subaltern, acquainted, 
if possible, with the Eng-lish languag-e, who should 
imitate and learn the g-ood maxims of O'Neilli, whose 
second he oug-ht to be, to command the islands in his 
absence. And moreover it would be of the utmost 
advantag-e that this detachment of picked men were 
permanently established in the island, in which a soldier 
marrying a respectable woman should receive his full 
discharg-e, in order to increase the number of colonists, 
his place being supplied by another from Carthag-ena» 
Thus would the love for the military service be g-radu- 
ally promoted among-st the natives ag-ainst the period 
when a fitting militia might be formed on the spot ; 
while the principal island containing some ten leagues 
square, the number of inhabitants might amount in a few 
years to upwards of 40000, although it be with the obstacle 
that many of them would be negroes and mulattoes, from 
the increased number of slaves which are now establish- 
ed there, for whose due subjection the before-mentio- 
ned detachment would also be useful. And if a soldier 
should marry a woman who has no property, he may 
continue his service for the period of his engagement ; 
the regulation respecting the woman's being poor or 



— 45 — 

tener igualmente instriiccion i facultades del Virei para 
facilitarlos segim lo exijan las circunstancias i para que 
pueda pedirselos i entenderse con el en derechura el Go- 
bernador de San Andres, a quien es mui conducente 
equ se le envie en los terminos que solicita, el destaca- 
mento de los treinta liombres de acreditada honradez, 
con un sarg"ento i dos 6 tres cabos i las correspondien- 
tes municiones, i un buen subalterno que sepa, si es 
posible, el idioma Ing-les i que imite i aprenda las bue- 
nas maximas de O'Neilli, de quien ha de ser su se- 
gundo, para mandar en falta suya las islas, i aun sera 
de mayor ventaja si este destacamento de gente esco- 
jida se establece fijo en la isla en donde al soldado que 
se case con mug-er pudiente debe darsele sa licencia 
absoluta para que aumente el numero de los colonos, 
pidiendo en este caso su reemplazo a Cartagena, con lo 
cual se ira fomentando en aquellos naturales el amor 
al servicio militar para cuando Uegue el tiempo de que 
puedan formarse unas proporcionadas milicias de su ve- 
cindario, que constando la isla principal de unas diez 
leguas cuadradas, podra Uegar a ascender en pocos 
alios a mas de cuarenta mil habitantes ; bien que sera 
con el padrastro, de que muclios de ellos scan negros i 
mulatos, por el crecido numero de esclavos que ya hai 
establecidos en el dia, por cuya sujecion en la debida 
sumision, es tambien alll litil el indicado destacamento, 
del cual si alguno se casa con muger que no tenga bie- 
nes, podra continuar de soldado el tiempo de su empeiio ; 
la cual regulacion de si la muger es pobre 6 rica, sera 
asunto peculiar del Gobernador de la isla el determi- 
narlo. 



— 46 — 

ricli should be subject to tlie pleasure of tlic Governor 
of the island. 

"Even were the reasons above expressed and the 
commercial relations of the inhabitants of St. Andrevtr 
with Carthag-ena an insufficient reason for making- 
those islands dependent on the Viceroyalty of Santa Fe, 
their local position renders it impossible they should 
depend on Guatemala, from whence they could not in 
any case or circumstances receive succour, owing- to their 
g-reat distance, the g-reater part by roads difficult of 
transit. This was so evident, that the .Junta of Gua- 
temala resolved in the year 1797,( being- unable to send 
assistance to the island of St. Andrew, its Governor 
O'Neilli should remain on the main land imtil the peace, 
leaving- the Island entirely abandoned. It thus happens 
that the uncertain and insecure communication between 
St. Andrew and Guatemala occupies six or seven months, 
whilst every week they mig-ht hold it with Carthag-ena. 
The same reasons apply with little difference to what 
respects the proposed establishments on the Mosquito 
shore, and it is not likely they would progress if not 
united to and dependent on the Viceroyalty of Santa 
Fe ; it being- undoubted. Sir, that the multiplication of 
these voluntary establishments is the most efficacious 
and powerful means for domesticating- or exterminating- 
the savag-e Indians, who, once separated from the coast, 
would be annihilated by each other, or at least could 
never join themselves to the Eng-lish. Nor would this 
form any obstacle to the dependence on Guatemala of 
the g-uard composed of a corporal and four other men at 
the mouth of the river San Juan, that being- an advan- 
ced post of the Castle of San Carlos, situated on the 
same river near the entrance to the Lake of Nicaragua. 



46 — 



"Aun cuando las razones expresadas i rclaciones 
mercantiles que los vecinos de San Andres tienen con 
los de Cartagena no fuesen suficientes para que aqnellas 
islas sean dependientes del Vireinato de Santa Fe, su 
situacion local las imposibilita que dependan de la Go- 
bernacion de Guatemala, de donde no pueden en nino-un 
caso ni circunstancias recibir socorro alg-uno por ser 
mucha la distancia a que se hallan i la mayor parte de 
ella tenerse que andar por caminos dificiles de transi- 
tar, siendo esto tan evidente, que la Junta de Guate- 
mala resolvio en el aiio de 97, que no pudiendose ausi- 
liar la Isla de San Andres, quedase su Gobernador 
O'Neilli en el continente hasta la paz, dejando la isla 
enteramente abandonada; i asi es que para la corres- 
pondencia incierta i poco seg-ura desde San Andres a 
Guatemala se necesitan de seis a siete meses, cuando 
todas las semanas pueden tenerla de Cartag-ena. Estas 
mismas razones militan con corta diferencia, por lo que 
respecta a los insinuados establecimientos de la Costa de 
Mosquitos, i asi no es facil que prog-resen, no estando 
unidos i dependientes al Vireinato de Santa Fe ; siendo, 
Seiior, indudable que la multiplicacion de estos volun- 
tarios establecimientos es el medio mas eficaz i pode- 
roso de domesticar 6 exterminar a los Indios bravos que 
Ueg-ados a separar de las costas se aniquilarian por si 
mismos, 6 por lo menos no podrian jamas unirse con 
los Ing"leses, sin que sirva de obstaculo que dependa 
de Guatemala la vig-ia de un cabo i cuatro hombres en 
la embocadura del Rio San Juan, por ser esta una avan- 
zada del Castillo de San Carlos situado sobre este rio 
antes de lleg-ar a la Lag-mia de Nicarag-ua. 



— 47 — 

"Such is the opinion of the Committee on the above- 
mentioned representations, looking- solely to the better 
service of your Majesty, who will resolve according- to 
your sovereig-n pleasure." 

(Sig-ned) Dn. Francisco Gil. 

Dn. Fernando Davis. 

Dn. Jose Vasallo. 

Dn. Francisco Requena. 

Dn. Jose Beteg-on. 

Dn. Pedro Cortes. 

Dn. Geronimo de la Rocha i Figaieroa." 

Under date of 21st October of the same year of 
1803 the Committee of Fortifications issued another Re- 
port explanatory of the former, in which they express 
in still strong-er terms the necessity of annexing* the 
Mosquito Coast to the Vice Royalty, basing- their argu- 
ment upon the expediency of civilizing- the Indians, 
colonizing- that territory and g-iving- its inhabitants spi- 
ritual advantag-es &c., and this at a time when nothing 
of the kind could be attempted on the part of Guate- 
mala on account of the distance and above all, the diffi- 
culty of communication. In consequence of the said 
Reports the Ordinance referred to was issued and is as 
follows : 

"Royal Order by which the King of Spain resolves 
that the Island of St. Andrew and the part of the 
Mosquito shore from Cape Gracias a Dios inclusive 
towards the river Chagres, shall be separated from the 
Captaincy General of Guatemala, and annexed to the 
Viceroyalty of Santa Fe, 



— 47 — 

"Este es el modo de pensar de la Junta sobre las 
indicadas representaciones, atendiendo unicamente en 
cuanto expone, al mejor servicio de Sn Mag-estad, que 
resolvera enun todo lo que fuere de su soberano agrado. 

(Firmado.) Dn. Francisco Gil. 

Dn. Fernando Davis. 

Dn. Jose Vasallo. 

Dn. Francisco Requena. 

Dn. Jose Beteg-on. 

Dn. Pedro Cortes. 

Dn. Geronimo de la Rocha i Fig-ueroa." 

Con fecha 21 de Octubre del mismo aiio de 1803 
evacuo la Junta de Fortificaciones otro informe espla- 
natorio del anterior, en el cual insiste aun mas esplici- 
tamente en la necesidad de reincorporar la Costa de 
Mosquitos al Vireinato, fundandose en la conveniencia 
de civilizar los indios, de poblar aquel territorio, de 
procurar a sus habitantes auxilios espirituales &;a., en 
circunstancias de no poderse hacer nada de eso de la 
parte de Guatemala, a causa de la distancia i sobre todo, 
de las dificultades que habia para las comunicaciones. 
A consecuencia de tales informes se expidio la referida 
Cedula, que es como sig-ue : 

"OrdenReal en queelRei deEspaiia resuelve que 
la Isla de San Andrews, i la parte de la Costa de Mos- 
quitos desde el Cabo de Gracias a Dios inclusive hacia 
el Rio Chagres, queden segreg-adas de la Capitania Je- 
neral de Guatemala i dependenties del Vireinato de San- 
at Fe. 



— 48 - 

"San Lorenzo, November 30th, 1803. 
"Most excellent Sir, 

" Don Jose Antonio Caballero, in a letter of the 
20th instant, informs me thus : - 

"Most excellent Sir, 

" The King- has resolved that the islands of Saint 
Andrew and the part of the Mosquito shore from Cape 
Gracias a Dios inclusive, towards the river Chag-res, 
shall be separated from the Captaincy General of Guate- 
mala, and annexed to the Vice-royalty of Santa Fe. 
And His Majesty has been pleased to grant to the Go- 
vernor of the said Islands, Don Tomas O'Neilli, a salary 
of 2000 dollars 'a year, instead of the 1500, which he 
at present enjoys. By royal order I acquaint Your 
Excellency, that the Ministry in your charg-e should 
take the necessary steps for the fulfillment of this so- 
vereig-n mandate, all which I state to you by His 
Majesty's command, for its due execution. 

(Sig-ned) Soler. 

"To the Vice Roy of Santa Fe." 

The Ordinance once in force, every means was ta- 
ken to fulfill the various ends proposed in it, thereby 
g-iving" a fresh impulse to the settlement of Gra- 
cias a Dios and sending- there and to other points on 
the coast various missionaries as well as settlers, 
establishing- a coast g-uard, and sending- a detachment 
of soldiers to the Island of San Andrews to serve as a 
g-arrison there and to the Islands of Santa Catalina, 
Providencia and other smaller ones, which formed one 
section : and thoug-h this order of thing-s was afterwards 
disturbed in consequence of the breaking- out of the 



— 48 — 

" San Lorenzo, 30 de Noviembre de 1803. 
"Exmo. Seiior, 
"El Sor. Don Jose Antonio Caballero me dice en 
oficio de 20 del presente mes, lo sig-uente: - 
"Exmo. Seiior, 
"El Rei ha resuelto que las Islas de San Andres 
i la parte de la Costa de Mosqnitos desde el Cabo de 
Gracias a Dios inclusive, hacia el Rio Chag-res, queden 
seg-reg-adas de la Capitania Jeneral de Guatemala i de- 
pendientes del Vireinato de Santa Fe ; i se ha servido 
Su Magestad conceder al Gobernador de las espresadas 
isllis, Don Tomas O'Neilli el sueldo de 2000 pesos fuer- 
tes, en lugar de los mil i quinientos que actualmente 
disfruta. Lo aviso a Vuestra Excelencia de real orden, 
a fin de que por el ministerio de su car^o se espidan 
las que corresponden en cumplimiento de esta soberana 
resolucion. La que traslado a Vuestra Excelencia, de 
orden de Su Magestad, para su debido cumplimiento. 
"Dios guarde &c. 
(Firmado.) Soler. 

" Senor Virei de Santa Fe." 
Una vez en ejecucion esta Cedula, se tomaron to- 
das las providencias necesarias para Uenar los diferen- 
tes fines que ella se propuso, dandole nueva vida a la 
poblacion de Gracias a Dios, euviando alii i a otros 
puntos de la costa algunos misioneros i pobladores, es- 
tableciendo cruceros 6 guarda-costas, i enviando algunos 
piquetes a la isla de San Andres, para que sirviesen de 
guarnicion en ella i en las de Santa Catalina, Provi- 
dencia i otras mas pequeiias, que formaron una misma 
seccion: i aunque luego fue turbado este orden de co- 
sas a consecuencia de liaber estallado la guerra de la 



— 49 — 

war of independence, the Spaniards as well as the Co- 
lombians alternately took measures to supervise the 
Mosquito Coast by means of the authorities of those 
islands, which was done as far as was permitted by the 
scanty resources on which the bellig-erent parties could 
at that time depend. The legal authority, having been 
at length overthrown on these Islands by some south- 
american pirates, who took possession of them for two 
or three years during the general confusion then exist- 
ing, was again reestablished in the year 1822, and since 
then they have never been disorganized, but always 
governed in various ways, once as a canton, once as a 
Territory under a Prefect and again as a canton exer- 
cising the elective rights and subject in all things to the 
laws of the Republic, and it was entrusted to the prin- 
cipal authority there, to watch over the Mosquito Coast, 
whilst a treaty was being celebrated with the Govern- 
ment of Central America, to which country it was in- 
tended to cede said coast on very moderate terms. 

Before going farther, it will not be superfluous to 
remark, that for many years the Mosquito Coast had 
been a dependency of the Viceroyalty of New Granada, 
and that it was only a short time anterior to the issuing 
of the Ordinance of 1803, that it had placed itself under 
the protection of Guatemala in consequence of the 
suggestions of the Viceroys Flores and Gongora. These 
coasts have also been in former times dependencies of 
Cuba, and it was only after these various trials were 
made that experience demonstrated that they ought to 
be again and definitely annexed to the Viceroyalty. 

As was before observed, the Spanish General Don 
Pablo Morillo issued a decree in 1815, which was com- 



— 49 - 

independencia, tanto los Espanoles como los Colombia- 
nos tomaron altemativamente alg-unas providencias para 
snpervijilar la Costa de Mosquitos por medio de las 
autoridades de aquellas islas ; lo ciial se hacia en pro- 
porcion a los pocos recursos con que contaban en ese 
tiempo las partes belijerantes. Trastornada la aiitori- 
dad en dichas islas por unos corsarios Sur-americanos 
que se apostaron en ellas por dos 6 tres aiios, en medio 
de la perturbacion jeneral que existia, fue lueg-o resta- 
blecida el ario de 1822, i desde entonces, jamas han de- 
jado de estar org-anizadas, ya en canton, ya en territo- 
rio g-obernado por un Prefecto, ya otra vez en canton, 
ejerciendo el derecho eleccionario, i sujetas en todo a 
las leyes de la Repiiblica, i siempre encargada la pri- 
mera autoridad de alii, de velar sobre la Costa de Mos- 
quitos, mientras se celebraba un tratado con el Gobier- 
no de Centro America, al cual se queria ceder dicha 
costa bajo mui moderadas condiciones. 

Antes de pasar adelante, no estara por demas re- 
cordar que la Costa de Mosquitos habia dependido por 
muchos anos del Vireinato del Nuevo Reino de Grana- 
da, i que cuando se espidio la Cednla de 1803, no hacia 
mucho tiempo que se habia puesto bajo la dependencia 
de la Capitania Jeneral de Guatemala, a consecuencia 
de informes de los Vireyes Flores i Gongora. Tambien 
dependieron dichas costas en otro tiempo, de la Capita- 
nia Jeneral de Cuba, i no fue sino despues de todos 
estos ensayos, que la esperiencia demostro que debian 
ag-reg-arse otra vez i definitivamente al Vireinato. 

Como se indico en otro lugar, el Jeneral espanol 
Dn. Pablo Morillo, espidio eft 1815 un decreto que fue 



— 50 — 

miinicated to various Goverments and published in some 
of the journals of Europe and the United States, declar- 
ing- the coast of the New King-dom of Granada to be un- 
der blockade as far as Cape Gracias a Dios. Colom- 
bia, on her side, issued various decrees. Among-st the 
most remarkable are those of 19th April and 22d No- 
vember of the year 1822 and that of the 5th July 1824, 
g"iven with the object of maintaining- her rule over the 
Mosquito Coast, reg-ulating- its commerce and encou- 
raging its settlement and civilization, to effect which, 
new means of communication were established, the 
Government of the before mentioned islands of St. An- 
dres was reorg-anized on a better footing-, and the coast 
g-uard was reestablished, and at lenght in 1826, when the 
peace permitted, that decree was issued which g-ave the 
President extended power on the matter and assig-ned 
one hundred thousand dollars yearly for the purpose of 
encourag-ing- the settlement of that coast. New Granada 
in her turn followed in the steps of Colombia, and rati- 
fying- that which was done, issued various acts tending- 
to the same end, but the suspense in which she was held 
on account of the treaty she wished to celebrate with 
Central America, compelled her to suspend or defer any 
action on the encourag-ement, the settlement and the 
commerce of the said country. 

All the official acts referred to and many others re- 
lating- to the same subject were published and came to 
the knowledg-e of the British Government and that of 
Central America, without the idea sug-g-esting- itself to 
either to make the least question of the rig-ht assumed 
first by Colombia and afterwards by New Granada. On 
the contrary, they were ever ready to comply with the 



— 50 — 

comunicado a varios Gobiernos i publicado en diarios 
de Eiiropa i de los Estados Unidos, declarando bloquea- 
das ias costas del Nuevo Reino de Granada hasta el 
Cabo de Gracias a Dios. Colombia, por su parte, espi- 
dio varios decretos, entre los cuales ban sido notables 
los de 19 de Abril i 22 de Noviembre del aiio de 1822, i 
el de 5 de julio de 1824, que tenian por objeto mantener 
la soberania de la Costa de Mosquitos, reg-ularizar su 
comercio i fomentar su civilizacion i su poblacion, a 
cuyo efecto se establecieron de nuevo alg-unas comuni- 
caciones, se reorg-anizo bajo un pie reg-ular el Gobierno 
de las precitadas islas de San Andres, 1 se restablecie- 
ron los buques g-uarda-costas : i ya cuando la paz lo 
permitio, se espidio en 1826 la lei que ensancliaba las 
facultades del Poder Ejecutivo sobre la materia, i asig-- 
naba cien mil pesos anuales con el objeto de dar im- 
pulse a la poblacion de aquella costa. La Nueva Gra- 
nada a su vez, sig-uio los pasos de Colombia, i ratificando 
lo que estaba hecho, espidio varios actos conducentes al 
mismo fin ; mas la espectativa en que la tenia el tra- 
tado que deseaba celebrar con Centro America, la com- 
pelio a suspender 6 diferir sus empresas sobre fomento, 
poblacion i comercio del pais mencionado. 



Todos los actos oficiales que quedan referidos i 
otros muchos relatives al mismo asunto, fueron publi- 
cados, i Ueg-aron al conocimiento del Gobierno Britanico 
i delde Centro America, sin que aestos ni a otro alg-uno 
les ocurriese el pensamiento de hacer la menor obser- 
vacion sobre el derecho con que obraron, ya Colombia, 
ya la Nueva Granada. Por el contrario, constantemente 



— 51 — 

conditions imposed on tliem. Why did not Central 
America reclaim against New Granada 1 Why was the 
British Government silent even to the extent of allow- 
ing- vessels which bore her flag- to be taken and their 
crews arraigned and tried on account of their clandesti- 
ne trafic with the Mosquito Coast or their non-compli- 
ance with the existing" reg-ulations? The reason is that 
Central America and Great Britain knew that Colom- 
bia, and consequently New Granda, were in the rig-ht and 
acting' in accordance with the Ordinance of 1803, whose 
validity was never for a moment doubted. 



Mr. Castellon, a prominent personag-e of Nicaragua, 
has plainly declared in a Memoir quoted by Mr. Molina, 
that according to the Ordinance in question, the Atlantic 
coast of Costa Rica belonged to New Granada, from 
which it is deduced that the rest of the coast as far as 
Cape Gracias a Dios is also hers. The authority of 
Mr. Castellon carries greater weight in as much as 
it would be difficult to find a Nicaraguense more firm 
and decided in maintaining the rights of his country. - 
It is certain that the said gentleman may have had 
in consideration the fact that the Government of New 
Granada had manifested at different times her desire 
to cede to the States of Central America her rights 
to the Mosquito Coast on the completion of the res- 
pective treaties, but it is also true that men of honor 
and sincerity never desire unjust acquisitions even when 
they can palliate them on the plea of the interest of their 
country. 

Turning" now to the treatv celebrated between Co- 



— 51 — 

se prestaron a cumplir las disposiciones indicadas en 
la parte que les tocaba. i Por que no reclamo Centre 
America contra ellas I iPor que g-uardo silencio el Go- 
bierno Britanico hasta el punto de permitir que buques 
que llevaban su pabellon fuesen presos i sus tripulacio- 
nes enjuiciadas a causa del trafico clandestino que ha- 
cian con la Costa de Mosquitos, 6 de falta de cumpli- 
miento a las diposiciones que existian? La razon es, 
que Centre America i la Gran Bretaiia sabian que Co- 
lombia, i en su caso Nueva Granada, estaban en su de- 
recho obrando de acuerdo con la Cedula de 1803, cuya, 
validez nunca fue puesta en duda por un momento. 

El Sor. Castellon, notabilidad mui prominente de 
Nicaragua, ha declarado de una manera implicita en 
una Memoria citada por el Sor. Molina, que conforme a 
la Cedula en cuestion, el litoral Atlantico de Costa Ri- 
ca pertenecia a la Nueva Granada, de donde se deduce 
que tambien pertenece a esta el resto de la costa hasta 
Gracias a Dios. La autoridad del Sor. Castellon es de 
tanto mayor peso, cuanto que seria raro hallar un Nica- 
rag-iiense mas firme i decidido en el sostenimiento de 
los derechos de su Patria. Es cierto que dicho Seiior 
ha podido tener en cuenta la circunstancia de que el 
Gobierno de la Nueva Granada ha manifestado diferen- 
tes veces el anhelo que tiene de ceder a los Estados de 
Centro America sus derechos a la Costa de Mosquitos, 
mediante los respectivos tratados ; pero tambien es ver- 
dad que los hombres integ-ros i sinceros, no estan en 
ningun caso por adquisiciones indebidas, aunque se 
quieran paliar con el interes de la Patria a que perte- 
necen. 

Pasando ahora al Tratado celebrado entre Colom- 



— 5-2 — 

lombia and Central America in 1825, Mr. Molina de- 
pends upon the 5tli, 7th, 8th and 9th articles thereof 
to prove, that the Ordinance referred to, was virtually 
annulled and consequently that the limits of Costa Rica 
oug-ht to reach on the Atlantic side as far as Verag-uas, 
(because Juarros had said so, relying- on the tales of one 
Ceballos) and as far as Punta Burica on the Pacific. 

In order to present this last question with the lu- 
cid clearness which the importance of the subject under 
consideration deserves, it becomes necessary to insert 
the articles quoted from the treaty and some others. 
The)^ are as follows: 

"Art. 3d. In order to further the objects mention- 
ed in the former articles, the Republic of Colombia un- 
dertakes to assist the United Provinces of Central 
America with her disposable forces by ^sea and land, 
whose number or its equivalent will be fixed in the As- 
sembly of Plenipotentiaries which will be spoken of 
hereafter. 

"Art. 4th. The United Provinces of Central America 
will in the same manner assist with their disposable 
land and sea forces the Republic of Colombia, whose 
number or their equivalent will be also fixed in the said 
Assembly. 

"Art. 5th. Both contracting- parties mutually 
guarantee the integ-rity of their respective territories 
ag-ainst the attempts and invasions of the vassals of 
the King- of Spain and his adherents, upon the same 
footing- on which they were found before the present 
war of Independence." 

"Art. 6th. Consequently, in case of sudden invasion, 



— 52 — 

bia i Centro America en 1825, en ciiyos articulos 5% 7° , 
8% i 9° se apoya el Seiior Molina para demostrar que 
la Cedula referida habia quedado virtualmente anulada, 
i que por consig-uiente los limites de Costa Rica deben 
lleg-ar por la parte del Atlantico hasta el Escudo de 
Verag-uas, (por liaberlo dicho Juarros, refiriendose a 
cuentos de un Ceballos) i hasta Punta Burica por la 
parte del Pacifico. 

A fin de presentar esta ultima cuestion con la cla- 
ridad i limpieza que cumplen a la gravedad de la ma- 
teria que se ventila, se hace preciso insertar los citados 
articulos del Tratado, i alg-unos mas. Ellos dicen: 

"Articulo 3°: A fin de concurrir a los objetos indi- 
cados en los articulos anteriores, la Republica de Co- 
lombia se compromete a ausiliar a las Provincias TJnidas 
del Centro de America con sus fuerzas maritimns i 
terrestres disponibles, cuyo niimero 6 su equivalente se 
fijara en la asamblea de plenipotenciarios de que se 
hablara despues. 

"Articulo 4° : Las provincias Unidas del Centro de 
r America ausiliaran del mismo modo a la Republica de 
Colombia con sus fuerzas maritimas i terrestres dispo- 
nibles, cuyo mimero 6 su equivalente se fijara tambien 
en la espresada asamblea. 

"Articulo 5° : Ambas partes contratantes se garan- 
tizan miituamente la integridadde sus territorios respec- 
tivos contra las tentativas e invasiones de los vasallos 
del Rei de Espaiia i sus adlierentes, en el mismo pie en 
que se hallaban antes de la presente guerra de inde- 
pendencia. 

"Articulo 6" : Por tanto, en caso de invasion re- 



— 53 — , . 

both parties can act hostilely in each other's territory, 
provided circumstances do not admit of a reference 
to the Government of the invaded territory. But the 
party who acts thus must comply and cause to be com- 
plied with, the statutes, ordinances and laws of the re- 
spective State as far as circumstances will permit, and 
cause the Government to be respected and obeyed. The 
expenses which may be incurred in these operations and 
those which may be incurred in consequence of the 3d 
and 4th articles shall be liquidated by separate ag-ree- 
ments, and shall be paid one year after the conclusion 
of the present war. 

"Art. 7th. The Republic of Colombia and the Uni- 
ted provinces of Central America oblig-e and bind them- 
selves formally to respect their boundaries as they exist 
at present, reserving- to themselves the fixing- in a 
friendly spirit and by means of an especial convention, 
the line dividing- one State from the other, as soon as 
circumstances shall permit or as soon as one party 
manifests to the other an inclination to enter into this 
neg"otiation. 

"Art. 8th. To facilitate the prog-ress and happy 
termination of the boundary question, which was referred 
to in the preceding- article, each of the contracting* parties 
shall be at liberty to name commissioners, to examine 
all the points and places on the frontiers and to make 
charts according- as they thinli it convenient and neces- 
sary for the establishment of the boundary line, and the 
local authorities shall in no Avay molest them, but 
rather g-ive them all protection and assistance for the 
better performance of their task, it being- understood 



— 53 — 

pentina, ambas partes podran obrar hostilmente en los 
territorios de la dependencia de una li otra, siempre que 
las circunstancias del momento no den lug-ar a ponerse 
de acuerdo con el Gobierno a quien corresponda la so- 
berania del territorio invadido. Pero la parte que asi 
obrase, debera cumplir i hacer cumplir los estatutos, 
ordenanzas i leyes del Estado respectivo, en cuanto lo 
permitan las circunstancias, i hacer respetar i obedecer 
su Gobierno. Los g-astos que se hubiesen impendido en 
estas operaciones, i demas que se impendan en conse- 
cuencia de los articulos 3° i 4° , se liquidaran por con- 
venios separados, i se abonaran un aiio despues de la 
conclusion de la presente g-uerra. 

"Articulo 7°: La Repiiblica de Colombia i las 
Provincias Unidas del Centro de America se oblig-an i 
comprometen formalmente a respetar sus llmites como 
estan al presente, reservandose el hacer amistosamente, 
por medio de una convencion especial, la demarcacion 
de la linea divisoria de uno i otro Estado, tan pronto 
como lo permitan las circunstancias 6 lueg-o que una de 
las partes manifieste a la otra estar dispuesta a entrar 
en esta neg-ociacion. 

"Articulo 8° : Para facilitar el prog-reso i termi- 
nacion feliz de la neg-ociacion de limites, de que se ha 
hablado en el articulo anterior, cada una de las partes 
contratantes estara en libertad de nombrar comisiona- 
dos, que recorran todos los puntos i lug-ares de las fron- 
teras i levanten en ellas cartas, seg-un lo crean conve- 
niente i necesario para establecer la linea divisoria, sin 
que las autoridades locales puedan causarles la menor 
molestia, sino antes bien prestarles toda proteccion i 
ausilio para el mejor desempeiio de su encargo, con tal 



— 54 — 

that they shall previously show the passport of the 
respective Government authorizing- them to that effect. 

"Art. 9th. Both contracting- parties wishing- in the 
meanwhile to provide a remedy for the evils which 
mio-ht be caused to one or the other by colonies of un- 
authorized adventurers on that part of the Mosquito 
Coast, from Cape Gracias a Dios inclusive to the river 
Chag-res, bind and oblig-e themselves to employ their 
sea and land forces ag-ainst any individual or individuals 
who attempt to form establishments on the expressed 
coasts, without having- first obtained the permission of 
the Government, to which they belong-." 

It would be in vain to strive to interpret these 
articles in an interested or forced sense, being- as they 
are so clear and simple. Nevertheless, Mr. Molina g-ives 
it to be understood, that according- to the tenor of the 
5th article, Colombia esteems as null and void the Ordi- 
nance of 1803, because fourteen months after the ratifi- 
cation of the treaty by the Government of Colombia, as 
will be seen in the preinserted part, the Government of 
Central America added on its own account and at its 
own risk the adjective naturally after the word founds 
as will be seen in the quoted article 5th. 

Supposing- that Colombia accepted (which nowhere 
appears) a similar intercalation, would that mean that 
the Ordinance was considered without effect or value ? 
Would it not be more natural to think, that no notice 
had been taken of the word naturally, because it is 
clearly a word without a determinate sense or significa- 
tion in the place which it occupies, a word which in no 
case alters the sense of the article in which it appears, 



— 54: — 

que previamente les manifiesten el pasaporte del Go- 
bierno respective autorizandoles al efecto. 

"Articiilo 9° : Ambas partes contratantes, deseando 
entre tanto prov^eer de remedio a los males que podrian 
ocasionar a una i otra las colonizaciones de aventureros 
desautorizados, en aquella parte de las costas de Mos- 
quitos comprendida desde el Cabo Gracias a Dios in- 
clusive, hasta el rio Chagres, se comprometen i oblig-an 
a emplear sus fuerzas maritimas i terrestres contra 
cualquiera individuo 6 individuos que intenten formar 
^stablecimientos en las espresadas costas, sin haber 
obtenido antes el permiso del gobierno a quien corres- 
ponden en dominio i propiedad." 

En vano seria querer interpretar estos articulos en 
un sentido acomodaticio i forzado, siendo tan sencillos 
i claros como son. Sin embargo, el senor Molina da a 
entender que Colombia, seg-un el tenor del 5° , estimo 
€omo nula i sin valor la Cedula de 1803, por cuanto a 
los 14 meses de ratificado el tratado por el Gobierno de 
Colombia, asi como se ve en la parte preinserta, el Go- 
bierno de Centro America le aiiadio de su propia cuenta 
i riesgo el adjetivo naturalmente, despues de la palabra 
hallaban, que se encuentra en el citado articulo 5° . 

Suponiendo que Colombia aceptase (lo que no cons- 
ta en ning-una parte) semejante intercalacion, querria 
decir eso que consideraba la Cedula sin valor ni efecto ? 
No seria mas natural pensar que no habia hecho caso 
de la palabra naturalmente, por ser a todas luces una 
palabra sin sentido ni sig-nificacion en el lug-ar que ocupa 
alii, una palabra que de ning-un modo altera la esencia 
del articulo en que fig'ura, pues el precisamente dice 



— 55 — 

because it particularly says, that the contracting- par- 
ties g-uarantee to each other their territory as they were 
before the war of Independence, and Costa Rica 
well knew, that her sea-board on theAtlantic belonsr- 
ed to the New King-dom of Granada at the commence- 
ment of the war in 1810. Now, it is not to be 
denied, that Costa Rica would naturally be extending- 
herself on the Pacific, around the Lake of Nicara- 
gua, and even g-rasping- all the Isthmus of Panama. 
But we have not yet found a reason for the necessity 
of a sea-board on the Atlantic in order to be bounded 
naturally. Were it thus, Chili, Ecuador, Peru &;c. &;c. 
could complain of not being- naturally placed, and 
exact from their neig-hbours on the Atlantic the cession 
of that portion of the coast which they ought to have in 
order to enjoy natural boundaries. In fact, if the word 
in question has any meaning at all, the most reasonable 
would be, that all the coast as far as Gracias a Dios 
belonged to New Granada, and such has been the con- 
viction to which the Spanish Government arrived after 
repeated trials and changes as to what was most natu- 
rally proper in order to govern, improve and give life 
to that coast. 

One thing is certain, that when at the time of cele- 
brating the treaty, the Colombian Plenipotentiary sug- 
gested to the Plenipotentiary from Central America the 
idea of fixing the limits of Colombia in the river San 
Juan and Lake of Nicaragua, the latter replied that he 
did not think his instructions empowered him to consent 
to that arrangement. It is propable, that the Govern- 
ment of Central America, aware of this part of the con- 
ferences, which preceded the treaty, and fearful that Co- 



— 55 — 

que las dos partes se g-arantizan sus territorios como 
se hallaban antes de la g-uerra de independencia, i Costa 
Rica sabia bien que su literal del lado del Atlantico 
pertenecia al Nuevo Reino de Granada al empezar di- 
cha g-uerra en 1810? Ahora, es innegable que Costa 
Rica estaria naturalmente, ya estendiendose sobre el 
Pacifico, ya al rededor del Lago de Nicaragua, ya 
comprendiendo todo el Istmo de Panama : mas no se 
alcanza a columbrar la razon por que le era preciso 
tener costas en el Atlantico para tener limites natural- 
mente. Si asi fuera, Chile, Ecuador, Peril &:a., podrian 
quejarse de no estar naturalmente colocados, para exi- 
jir de sus vecinos del Atlantico que les desocuparan las 
costas que deberian tener por ese lado, para contar con 
limites naturales. En suma, si la palabra en cuestion 
liubiese de tener algun significado, el mas razonable 
seria que toda la costa, hasta Gracias a Dios, pertene- 
ciese a la Nueva Granada, que fue lo que, despues de 
repetidas pruebas i ensayos, produjo en el Gobierno 
Espaiiol la conviccion de que era lo que iiaturalmente 
convenia hacer para poder gobernar, fomentar i dar vida 
a aquella Costa. 

Lo que hai de positivo en todo esto es, que habi- 
endo el plenipotenciario Colombiano insinuado al Centro 
Americano, al tiempo de celebrar el tratado, la idea de 
fijar los limites de Colombia en el rio San Juan i lago 
de Nicaragua, el ultimo manifesto que no se considera- 
ba con instrucciones para convenir en ese punto. Pro- 
bablemente el Gobierno de Centro America impuesto en 
esta parte de las conferencias que precedieron al tra-ia- 
do, i temeroso de que Colombia insistiese en aquella 



— 56 — 

lombia should insist on her claim, wished to secure her- 
self by means of the word referred to, from the fear 
that her neig"libor should encroach upon tlie limits 
assig-ned to her by the uti possidetis of 1810. But by 
no means can it be supposed that she alluded to the 
Atlantic coast, because it is positive, that the Minister 
from Central America had in view during- the whole 
course of the conferences, among-st many other docu- 
ments, the Royal ordinance of 1803, and that it did 
not occur to him on any occasion to make the least 
observation ag-ainst its value and legitimacy, as may 
be seen by the protocols that exist of those conferences. 
Nothinsr could have been more natural than on that 
solemn and appropriate occasion to have protested 
ag-ainst that Ordinance, if there had been any thing- to 
object therein. It is for this reason that the treaty with 
Colombia is considered by New Granada as a proof 
among-st others of the unjustifiableness of the attempts 
of Costa Rica, to encroach upon her territory. 

Mr. Molina also tries to find an arg-ument for his 
purpose in the tenor of the 9th article. This article, as 
well as the 6th, may be considered as extensions of the 
two first articles that have been inserted, and as one 
of the practical results of the union, leag-ue and confe- 
deration, which is the object of the treaty; for both 
Republics, being- threatened by a common foe, they oug-ht 
not in consideration of the alliance into which they 
enter with each other, to shrink from any sacrifice 
that may be required for their mutual advantag-e, for 
it is evident that the invasion of either would expose 
as a consequence the other to a like misfortune. Central 
America had besides a strong-er motive, that of pre- 



— 56 — 

pretension, qui&o aseg-urarse por medio de la referida 
palabra, de que su vecina no traspasaria los limites que 
tenia, de aciierdo con el uti possidetis de 1810 ; mas de 
ninguna manera ha podido aludir a la costa del Atlan- 
tico, por que es un hecho, que el plenipotenciario Centro 
Americano tuvo a la vista en todo el curso de las con- 
ferencias, entre otros muclios documentos, la Cedula de 
1803, i que nunca le ocurrio liacer la menor observacion 
contra su valor i lejitimidad, como se puede ver en los 
protocolos que existen de dichas conferencias. Nada 
hubiera sido mas natural que haber impug-nado en esta 
solemne i oportuna ocasion aquella real orden, si alg-o 
hubiese ocurrido que objetar en contra de ella: i es por 
eso que este Tratado se considera hoi por la Nueva 
Granada como una de las pruebas de la temeridad con 
que Costa Rica pretende aumentar sus territorios a 
costa de ella. 



Tambien se empeiia el Seiior Molina en querer sa- 
car arg-umentos del tenor del articulo 9" . Este articulo, 
asi como el 6" , pueden considerarse como un comple- 
mento de los dos primeros que se han insertado, i como 
uno de los resultados practicos de la union, lig-a i con- 
federacion a que se contrae el tratado, pues que estan- 
do ambas Repiiblicas amenazadas por un enemig"o co- 
mun, no debian ellas, mediante la fraternidad en que 
entraban, ahorrar ningun sacrificio en contra de el, 
siendo claro que la invasion de la una, habria de traer 
por consecuencia la facilidad de invadir a la otra. Cen- 
tro America tenia ademas el doble interes de preservar 
el interior, i esto no lo podia hacer sin impedir las agre- 



— 57 — 

serving- her interior, and this she codld not do without 
impeding the ag-g-ressions attempted ag-ainst the coast. 
For this reason and also hecause she possessed no navy 
wherewith to oppose Spain, whilst Colombia possessed 
that advantag-e. Central America proposed the stipula- 
tions contained in those articles. Notwithstanding- all 
this, according- to the log-ic of the defenders of Costa 
Rica, article 9th is broug-ht forward as an mianswerable 
proof that Colombia looked upon the ordinance as null, 
or in other words, made a g-ift of the whole coast to 
Central America, as if a cessation of the hig-hest impor- 
tance could be consummated without even a word being" 
said on the matter ! But in truth, the meaning- of this 
article is directly contrary to that which has been attri- 
buted to it, for without in the least straining- the sense, 
what follows may be inferred from it. 1st. That Central 
America, being- without a navy, and fearing- the incur- 
sions of Indians and marauders, who on other occasions 
had entered from that coast, and therefore not conside- 
ring- her interior safe, desired Colombia to undertake 
the protection of the coast, to which desire Colombia 
assented, not only for their mutual benefit, but because 
it was her duty to defend that coast, since it belonged 
to her. 2d. That the fact of stipulating- that both 
parties should watch over the coast as far as the river 
Chag-res confirms the preceding- conjecture and implies 
the idea, that all the coast from Gracias a Dios was 
considered as belonging- to Colombia, since no one can 
imagine that she even doubted her rights over, and her 
possession of Chagres and other coasts and towns of 
Panama and Veraguas. 3d. That the circumstance of 
the watch to be kept, extended only from the Cape of 



— 57 



sioiies f|ue se intentaran contra la costa. Por eso, i por 
que no contaba con marina que oponerle a la Espaiia, 
al paso que Colombia si la tenia, recabo la estipulacion 
contenida en dicbos articulos. Con todo, se^un la lojica 
de los defensores de Costa Rica, el articulo 9° es pre- 
sentado como una prueba incontestable de que Colom- 
bia daba por nula la Cedula, 6 reg-alaba la costa a Cen- 
tro America, jcomo si una cesion de tamana importancia 
pudiese verificarse sin siquiera bacer la mas leve men- 
cion de ella ! Cabalmente este mismo articulo indica 
todo lo contrario de lo que se le quiere bacer decir ; 
porque, sin violencia puede inferirse de el: 1° , que no 
teniendo marina Centro America, i temiendo las irrup- 
ciones de los indios i de los caballeros de industria que 
acostumbraban meterse por alll, consideraba amenazado 
el interior, i por eso quiso que Colombia se comprome- 
tiese a supervijilar la costa, a lo cual accedio Colombia, 
•v a por la mancomunidad de intereses, ora por que le 
incumbia bacer algo en defensa de dicha costa, como 
que le pertenecia: 2% que elhecho de estipular que am- 
bas partes vijilasen la costa hasta el Rio Chagres, con- 
firma la anterior conjetura, e implica la idea de que to- 
da la Costa desde Gracias a Dios se consideraba como 
perteneciente a Colombia, puesto que nadie podria fig-u- 
rarse que esta ultima dudase de sus derecbos i de la 
activa posesion que tenia sobre Chag-res i otras pobla- 
ciones i costas de Panama i Veraguas ; i 3", que la cir- 
cunstancia de baber convenido en aquella vijilancia solo 
desde el Cabo de Gracias a Dios, i no de mas adelante, 
manifiesta aun mas claro, que no se trataba sino de la 
costa Colombiana. 



— 58 — 

Gracias a Dios, and not farther, shows even more dis- 
tinctly that the treaty referred to the coast of Colom- 
hia only. 

But laying" aside all those questions which have 
been thus rapidly reviewed, it will be well to end this 
short sketch by adding- a few more arg-uments to those 
already g-iven upon the perfect rig-ht to dominion and 
possession held by New Granada over the province of 
Yerag-uas in the terms and according- to the hints alrea- 
dy set forth. 

Taking- for g-ranted the position that the Captain- 
Generalship of Guatemala, of which the province of 
Costa Rica formed apart, could never foiVnd villag-es or 
establishments of any sort on the coast of the Atlantic 
from Cape Gracias aDios towards the South, nor main- 
tain any navy on that side, for which reason that coast 
depended nearly continually on the Vice-royalty of 
New Granada, - it is evident that reasons even far 
more important existed for the like dependence on New 
Granada, of that part of it belong-ing- to the province of 
Verag-uas which is now claimed by Costa Rica, as that 
is the part which more than any other required constant 
and active supervision, as it was frequently necessary 
to expel from the lake of Chiriqui and its Islands smug-- 
g-lersand criminals of various nations, who sought refug-e 
there from the persecution raised ag-ainst them at sea. 
So, there does not exist the least record that ever Gua- 
temala or Costa Rica in her turn exercised the least 
jurisdiction either direct or indirect in he Islands of 
Chiriqui or Bocas del Toro, whilst the archives of the 
Vice-royalty are filled with documents and allusions to 
the dominion and possession held by New Granada 



58 



Prescindiendo ya de todas las ciiestiones que que- 
daii rapidamente revisadas, convendra terminar este 
opiisculo agregando alg-unas razones a las que ya se 
lian espiiesto, sobre la parte relativa al perfecto derecho 
de dominio i posesion que ha teiiido i tiene la Nueva 
Granada a la provincia de Veraguas, en los terininos i 
seg-nn los limites qne se han enunciado. 

Partiendo del principio de que la Capitania Jene- 
ral de Guatemala, de la cual era parte integrante la 
provincia de Costa Rica, nunca pudo fundar pueblos 6 
establecimientos sobre la costa del Atlantic©, desde el 
Cabo Gracias a Dios hacia el Sur, ni mantener marina 
alguna de ese lado, por cuyo motivo casi siempre de- 
pendio dicha costa del Vireinato de Santa Fe ; es evi- 
dente que con mayor razon debia depender de dicho 
Vireinato la parte de ella correspondiente a la provin- 
cia de Veraguas a que pretende aspirar hoi Costa Rica, 
pues que ^ra esa parte precisamente la que exijia una 
supervijilancia mas asidua i eficaz, como que con fre- 
cuencia se hacia indispensable repel er de la Laguna de 
Chiriqui i sus islas, a varios criminales i contrabandis- 
tas de diferentes paises, que se refujiaban alii para es- 
capar de la persecucion que se les hacia en el mar. Asi 
que, no hai memoria de que jamas Guatemala ni Costa 
Rica en su caso, hayan tenido la menor injerencia di- 
recta 6 indirecta en las islas de Chiriqui 6 Bocas del 
Toro, al paso que los archivos del Vireinato estan lle- 
nos de documentos i alusiones sobre el dominio i pose- 
sion que el Nuevo Reino de Granada tenia en esa sec- 



— 59 — 

over ibis important part of Verag-uas. Don Antonio de 
Medina in thj researches made by bim in tbis pro- 
vince towards the middle of the last century by or- 
ders of the Kmg", confined himself with much interest 
especially to this part, as being- the most important of 
the province. Later, on the 16th March 1787, Midship- 
man Don Favian Avances sailed from Portobelo with 
the sloop Santias^o and the brig- Amistad of the Royal 
navy, by order of the Viceroy of the new King-dom of 
Granada, with tiie double object of surveying- the Islands 
of Bocas del Toro, examining- their coasts and anchorag-e 
and investig-ating- the truth of a report that some foreig^- 
ners bad g-one there to dive for pearls and catch turtles 
,in an illicit manner.^ This officer did in fact capture 
in that arcbipelag-o the shooner Nancy, whose Captain 
and crew, after declaring- they were eng-lisb and that 
they were there catching- turtles, were taken to Cartha- 
gena with their schooner and the turtles they had caug-bt 
and were there tried. During- the cruise of that officer 
amongst those islands, his written intimations to foreig-- 
ners are remarkable : be directs that they shall not re- 
turn to those places, under pain of being placed under 
the jurisdiction of the Viceroy of Santa Fe. 

With reference to the boundary line between Vera- 
guas and Costa Rica on the Pacific side, Mr. Molina 
has seen many of the maps, histories and relations quo- 
ted in the course of tbis sketch, and is also possessor 
of the ordinance issued by the king of Spain in favor of 
the inhabitants of Veraguas on the side of Chiriqul, to 
settle and cultivate the lands which stretch to the North 
and Northwest of said province, that is, beyond Chiriqui, 
which concessions were certainly not gratuitous, as it 



— 59 — 

cion principal de Verdgtaus, Don Antonio cle Medina, 
en las investig-aciones que de orden del Rei hizo en di- 
cha provincia a mediados del liltimo sig-lo, se contrae 
con mueho interes i especialidad a esa parte, conside- 
randola como la mas importante de la provincia. Mas 
tarde, en 16 de Marzo de 1787, el alferez de fragata 
Don Favian Avances se dio a la vela desde Portobelo 
en la balandra Santiago i el berg-antin Amistad, de la 
Marina Real, por orden del Virei del Nuevo Reino de 
Granada, con el doble objeto de recorrer las islas ele 
las Bocas del Toro, examinando sus costas i fondeade- 
ros, i de averig-uar el dermncio que se recibio de que 
algunos estranjeros iban alii a pescar perlas i tortug-as 
clandestinamente. Este oJficial apreso en efecto, en 
aquel arcliipielag-o, la g-oleta Nancy, cuyo capitan i tri- 
pulacion, despues de haber manifestado que eran ing-le- 
ses i que estaban alii cogiendo tortug"as, fueron lleva- 
dos a Cartagena junto con la g-oleta i las tortug-as que 
habian pescado, en donde se les sig-uio la respectiva 
causa. En la excursion que diclio oficial hizo por las 
islas, se hacen notables las intimaciones escritas que 
deja a los estranjeros para que no vuelvan a aquellos 
lug-ares, si no quieren ser llevados a disposicion del 
Virei de Santa Fe. 

Con referenda a la iinea divisoria entre Verasruas 
i Costa Rica, por el lado del Pacifico, el Sor. Molina ha 
visto muchos de los mapas, historias i relaciones que 
se han citado en el curs o de esta resena, i tambien tiene 
en su poder copia de la Cedula espedida por el Rei de 
Espaiia en favor de los habitantes de Veraguas, en la 
parte de Chiriqui, para poblar i cultivar las tierras que 
demoran hacia el Norte iNoroeste de dicha provincia, es 



60 — 



appears tlio iiiiiabitaiits obtained them in consideration 
of a certain sum of money. 



But there are also in favor of this question reasons 
and proofs of a superior order which cannot be com- 
bated by any class of arg-uments, because they are 
based on notorious and indisputable facts, one of these 
being- the possession, nninterrupted and unquestioned 
by any Government, that New Granada has had from 
immemorial time of the territories which lose them- 
selves in Golfo Dulce, of those upon the lake and archi- 
pelago of Chiriqui or Bocas del Torp, and of lands 
which stretch many leagues to the Northwest. The 
ancient canton of Alanje, which constitutes at the pre- 
sent time the principal part of the province of Chiriqui, 
was always and is now composed of the old settlements 
of David, Alanje, Bocachica, Boqueron, Bugaba, Calde- 
ra, Dolega, Gualaca, Remedios, San Felix, San Loren- 
zo and San Pablo, and of the villages which now 
form the Canton of Bocas del Toro. None of these 
settlements, which number nearly 18000 inhabitants, 
have ceased for a single day to depend either on thi3 
Viceroyalty, Colombia or New Granada. They have 
always appeared in the statistics of the province of 
Veraguas, - they have always contril^uted like the rest 
of the towns of the Republic their quota of men to 
the army, - they have contributed money and other 
services imposed by the law on all citizens. Th^ settle- 
ment of Bocas del Toro may be said to have maintain- 
ed for ages past, communication with Alanje, » David 
and with almost all the parishes and villages which 



— 60 — 

decir, adelante de Chiriqui ; concesion que no fue por 
cierto gratuita, pues consta que aquellos habitantes la 
obtuvieron mediante el desembolso de cierta cantidad de 
dinero. 

Pero hai todavia en pro de esta cuestion, razones 
i pruebas de un orden superior, que no se pueden com- 
batir con arg-umentos de ninguna especie, por que se 
basan en hechos mas solidos, notorios e indubitables. 
Sea una de ellas la posesion, no interrumpida ni recla- 
mada por ningun Gobierno, que la Nueva Granada ha 
tenido desde tiempo inmemorial, ya sobre los territorios 
que se pierden hacia el lado de Golfo Dulce, ya sobre 
la lag-una i archipielag-o de Chiriqui 6 Bocas del Toro 
i terrenos que sig-uen al Noroeste por muchas leguas. 
El antig-uo canton de Alanje, que constituye hoi la ma- 
yor parte de la provincia de Chiriqui, se compuso siem- 
pre, i se compone hoi de las viejas poblaciones de Da- 
vid, Alanje, Bocachica, Boqueron, Bugaba, Caldera, 
Doleg-a, Gualaca, Remedios, San Felix, San Lorenzo, i 
San Pablo, i de las aldeas que forman ahora el canton 
de las Bocas del Toro. Todas estas poblaciones, en las 
cuales se cuentan cerca de 18000 habitantes, nunca han 
dejado de depender por un solo dia, ora del Vireinato, 
ora de Colombia, ora de la Nueva Granada. Siempre 
han fig-urado en la estadistica de la provincia de Vera- 
g-uas, siempre han contribuido, como los demas pueblos 
de la RepiibUca 6 del Vireinato con hombres para el 
ejercito, con dinero i con los demas servicios impuestos 
por las leyes a todos los habitantes. La poblacion de 
las Bocas del Toro ha mantenido comunicaciones, pue- 
de decirse, desde siglos atras, con Alanje i David, i con 
casi todas las parroquias i aldeas que se han citado, - 



— 61 — 

have been mentioned. These communications, thoug-h 
neither easy or ag^reeable, were frequent, and it is well 
known that from Alanje to the Bay of Almirante a road 
has existed since the early days of the discovery, which 
has been much frequented and which it is now wished 
to convert into a wheelroad. 

These are facts, which it would be vain for Costa 
Rica to deny and which in themselves are sufficient to 
annul her pretensions. 

But further, in the exercise of her incontestable 
rights, New Granada constantly sustained the measures 
adopted by Colombia, and organized tolerably well since 
1836 the territory of Bocas del Toro, whose govern- 
ment had not been regulated in a satisfactory manner 
until then, neither has it failed to improve as much as 
was possible since that time, establishing a custom 
house for the encouragement and convenience of trade 
and causing the mail boat to touch there, which carries 
the correspondence to the Islands of San Andres. 

It is undeniable then, taking into consideration 
all that has been said, that the pretensions of Costa 
Rica are unjust and that, if there were such a law with 
respect to nations as has existed in some countries con- 
demning the unjust claimant to pay a fine equal to the 
value of his claim, which is both just and moral, Costa 
Rica would be obliged to resign a large portion of her 
territory to New Granada ; but as this country requires 
no more than what she possesses, and does not judge 
it expedient to enlarge her domains, she only claims 
from Costa Rica, that, relinquishing her exaggerated 
pretensions, she will agree in recognizing as the line 



— 61 — 

comunicaciones que, aunque no mui faciles i comodas, 
eran freciientes ; i es sabido que de Alanje a la bahia 
del Almirante ha existido, desde los primeros tiempos 
del descubrimiento, un camino bastante frecuentado, 
que es el mismo que se quiere hacer carretero actual- 
mente. 

Estos son hechos que, en vano se querrian contra- 
decir por Costa Rica, i que solos, bastan para anona- 
dar sus pretensiones. 

Pero hai mas : en ejercicio de sus inconcusos dere- 
chos, la Nueva Granada sostuvo constantemente las 
medidas adoptadas por Colombia i organizo bastante 
bien desde 1836 el territorio de las Bocas del Toro, cu- 
ya administracion no se habia reo-ularizado de un modo 
satisfactorio hasta entonces, asi como tampoco ha de- 
jado de mejorarse en todo lo posible, de aquel tiempo 
a esta parte, estableciendose una aduana por via de fo- 
mento i comodidad, i haciendo que toque alii el buque 
correo que conduce la correspondencia a las islas de 
8 an Andres. 

Es inneg-able, pues, habida consideracion a todo 
lo que se ha espuesto, que la pretension de Costa Ri- 
ca se resiente de temeridad, i que, si con respecto a 
las naciones hubiera una lei como la que ha existido en 
alg-unos paises, condenando al demandante temerario a 
pag-ar una cantidad ig-ual al importe de la demanda, lo 
cual parece ser mui justo i moral, - Costa Rica seria 
oblig-ada a ceder g-ran parte de su territorio a la Nueva 
Granada. Pero como esta no necesita mas del que 
tiene, ni estima conveniente darle mayor ensanche, solo 
exije de Costa Rica, que, dejando a un lado sus exaje- 
radas pretensiones, conveng-a en fijar por linea de de- 



— 62 — 

of demarcation, that which has been indicated above, 
namely the Centre of Golfo Dulce on the Pacific sea- 
board, and the river of Culebras or Doraces on the At- 
lantic. In this manner mig-ht be peacefully terminated 
the annoying- question, which has begun to disturb the 
friendly feeling-s of two nations evidently called by many 
weig-hty reasons, to an alliance and identification of in- 
terests, by this means the bonds that should unite them 
mig"ht be streng-thened into the most perfect friendship, 
and Costa Rica would remain possessed of two thirds 
of the desert and undivided territory which separates the 
two Republics and even of the Atlantic coast from the 
river Culebras as far as the St. John according-, to the 
conditions of a treaty on the subject. 



— 62 — 

a. 

marcacion la que se ha indicado, a saber : el seno del 
Golfo Dulce en el literal del Pacifico, i el rio de las 
Culebras 6 Doraces en el del Atlantico. De esta mane- 
ra terminaria en paz la enojosa cnestion que ha empe- 
zado a indisponer el animo de dos paises, Uamados por 
tantos titulos a fraternizar i a identificar su porvenir, 
estrechando los lazos que deben unirlos en la mas per- 
fecta amistad ; i Costa Rica quedaria dueiia de mas de 
las dos terceras partes del territorio desierto que existe 
pro-indiviso entre las dos Repiiblicas, i aun de la costa 
del Atlantico desde el rio Culebras hasta el San Juan, 
mediante las condiciones que se combinasen en el 
respectivo tratado. 






LB Mr '05 



